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On Fri, 29 Mar 1996, Maurice Robinson wrote:

> > (Earlier I wrote:)
> > To assert that archetype=autograph is a faith statement.  
> 
> This is partly due to the underlying presuppositions of the eclectic 
> schools, which also are "faith" statements.

No argument here.  I'm just trying to examine a few presuppositions, in 
order to see how they affect the resulting positions we take.

> Even though the competing presuppositions underlying each text-critical
> viewpoint may be "faith" assumptions, I would argue de minorem ad majorem,
> and suggest that, since classical scholars consider their textual
> restoration, made with far less extant data than we possess for the the
> NT, to be the restoration of the autograph and not the archetype in almost
> every situation, it is only a peculiarly biased viewpoint which would not
> think the abundance of evidence would bring us closer to and not further
> away from that goal. 

Abundance of evidence is certainly preferable to paucity of evidence.  I 
would agree that it's possible to get closer to the original with more 
evidence, but as we approach the "100% original" limit, the diversity of the
evidence shows us that this limit cannot really be reached.

> > I raise 
> > again the spectre of Hort's "primitive corruptions," because they always 
> > lurk behind the text.  
> 
> I question that assumption entirely.  Why "always"?  There seems to be a 
> presumption of non-authenticity which prevails in such an assumption.  
> Why not a presumption that, unless some demonstration of inauthenticity 
> can be _proven_, the text should be considered basically "authentic" and of 
> autograph originality.  To do otherwise will make a mockery of the labors 
> of textual critics, since anyone can then argue that, even in places 
> where there are NO textual variants, that the original "could not have so 
> read."

There is no presumption of non-authenticity.  My presumption is 
non-certainty.  Textual critics can only work with the data they have, 
and NT text critics certainly do have good data in comparison with, say, 
classical text critics, but assuming that the reading of the autograph 
has been preserved in _every_ case is quite a presumption.

> Even if the "spectre of primitive corruption" is only invoked in places
> where there are variant readings and where interpretation is difficult,
> this still makes its own "faith presumption" regarding the transmission of
> the text.

Here I will have to disagree.  If I had said that primitive corruption is
definitely behind certain readings in our NT text, this would be a faith
presumption.  To say that we cannot be certain that _every_ autograph
reading is preserved in one or more extant witnesses is a statement of
caution.  It might not even be too much to say, from a purely logical 
standpoint, that it is a statement of fact, which could only be disproved 
if we had all of the autographs.

> > It is irrelevant whether someone "advocates" 
> > conjectural readings, because in some instances, admittedly probably only 
> > a small number, the "original" reading may not be recoverable, and text 
> > critics have to admit that.
> 
> Only some NT textual critics make a place for conjecture within the text 
> of the NT.  Most handbooks rule such a practice out entirely.

I don't deny that many, maybe most (I haven't checked all of them), 
handbooks rule out conjecture; certainly all caution against its 
overuse.  But let me quote Metzger, _The Text of the New Testament_: "One 
must admit the theoretical legitimacy of applying to the New Testament a 
process which has so often been found essential in the restoration of the 
right text in classical authors.  On the other hand, the amount of 
evidence for the text of the New Testament, whether derived from 
manuscripts, early versions, or patristic quotations, is so much greater 
than that available for any classical author that the necessity of 
resorting to emendation is reduced to the smallest dimensions.  It is 
perhaps chiefly in the Catholic Epistles and the Apocalypse, where the 
early manuscript evidence is more limited than for any other part of the 
New Testament, that the need for attempting conjectural emendation may 
arise with any degree of urgency" (p. 185).  Again, I am _not_ advocating 
wholesale emendation of the text; I am only saying that emendation cannot 
be theoretically ruled out as a tool of the textual critic.

> Further, as mentioned above, if primitive error can be suspected in _some_
> places where variation occurs, what is there to prevent suspicion of
> primitive error even in places where _no_ variation occurs?  There is no
> legitimate boundary which restricts such a presupposition from being
> applied anywhere once one does not happen to agree with or understand the
> text. 

This is the famous "slippery slope" argument, popularly used by many 
people on all sides of many debates, but logically of no value to the 
argument.  Of course nothing can prevent people from suspecting 
primitive error in any given location, but the real questions is whether 
other scholars will agree with their assessment.  Textual criticism, like 
other forms of scholarship, is not done in a vacuum.  Hundreds of 
emendations have been proposed over the years, but how many have met with 
widespread scholarly approval?  Only one emendation has been put in the 
text in UBS4 and NA27 (Acts 16:12, perhaps not strictly a pure 
emendation, since it does have some weak versional support), and this 
only over the objections of two of the original five members of the UBS 
committee (Metzger and Aland).  Perhaps the most popular emendation of 
the NT text has been the suggestion that ENWK dropped out of the text in 
1 Pet 3:19 due to haplography.  This emendation was accepted by Goodspeed 
in his translation (An American Translation, 1923).  All in all, 
I doubt that admitting that conjecture is a legitimate tool of the NT 
textual critic will lead to a stampede of new emendations in future 
critical editions of the text.

> On the assumption that texttype archetype would NOT equal the 
> autograph, then we would end up with the peculiar situation of being 
> quite able to restore some form of primitive archetype for the Byzantine, 
> Alexandrian, Western, and Caesarean texttypes, but would be utterly 
> incapable of going beyond that to a postulation of the autograph 
> archetype. This is highly illogical, and inconsistent with the data 
> preserved to us in the extant witnesses.

Granting for the moment the assumption that text-type archetypes could be 
reconstructed (and I'm not sure that they can, except perhaps for the 
Byzantine, as Maurice said), nothing I have said would prohibit the 
postulation of the archetype that lay behind the text-type archetypes.  
However, it would only be a _postulate_, not a _certainty_, and it begs 
the question to say that it would of necessity be identical with the 
autograph.

> > Reconstructed hypothetical "autographs" _may_ require conjectures, but 
> > these are hardly scientific.
> 
> What is unscientific about a reconstruction of the autograph based upon
> the extant data as opposed to the reconstruction of the archetype of a
> texttype based upon the extant data?  Why is conjecture or suspicion of
> "primitive error" needed in the first case, but not so in the second case? 
> There still seems to be a double standard and illogic at work, and it goes
> back to the "faith presupposition" underlying this type of theory, but not
> my own. 

What I meant was that, by their nature, conjectures are unscientific. 
That doesn't mean they're necessarily wrong, only that they rely on
reasoned argument rather than extant textual data to make their case. 
Other scholars will have to decide whether each "reasoned argument" holds
any water.

Regarding the supposed double standard here, I don't agree that every
text-type can be reconstructed with 100% assurance, especially the Western
text-type.  _Of course_ my conclusions are derived to a large extent from my
presuppositions, as are Maurice's.  He has stated that one of his
presuppositions is that the autographs were viewed with such high regard
by their initial recipients that each was copied more than once (or the
first copy was copied more than once).  He has further indicated that one
reason for thinking this is his "view of apostolic authority and the
evangelistic intent of communication transcending the single recipients of
the autograph MSS."  Fine.  I can see why he concludes that every reading 
of the autographs has been preserved.  

I, however, am not as convinced that every NT autograph was so fortunate. 
We know that other early gospels existed, and many scholars think that
other letters of Paul have been lost (e.g., Laodiceans, other letters to
the Corinthians).  This suggests to me that _some_ works that made it into
the NT may not have been copied as early or as frequently as others, such
as the gospels and the major Pauline letters.  After all, the early
Christians didn't have the luxury of knowing which books would ultimately
be in the NT (this gets into the issue of the NT canon).  I imagine that
many other works, especially letters, by lesser known early Christians
were written, but they just haven't been preserved (cf. the Egerton
gospel).  Further evidence for this presumption is the sparsity of early
mss of books like James and 2 Peter.  All this leads me to question
whether the autographs of these books, or their immediate textual
descendants, were copied more than once, or, if two or three copies were
made, whether these lines of textual descent might not have completely died
out without leaving a trace on the preserved ms tradition.  Again, all I'm
saying is that I'm not as certain as Maurice that all of the readings of
the autographs have been preserved in the extant mss.  Maybe they have
been, but I suspect that they haven't in every case.  At whichever 
conclusion the text critic arrives, presuppositions play a large role in 
his or her decision.

Jimmy Adair
Manager of Information Technology Services, Scholars Press
    and
Managing Editor of TELA, the Scholars Press World Wide Web Site
---------------> http://scholar.cc.emory.edu <-----------------



From majordom  Mon Apr  1 02:19:29 1996
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My mother surprised me today by picking up my copy of "Rekindling the Word"
and I'm starting to read thru it. In search of all honesty and truth, I'd
like to examine the opposing views against Thiede's arguments in this book.
 Since I've noticed folks making references to older works and theories, I
assume that this subject really ain't that new......with that in mind, does
anyone have any older refs (preferably available on the Web since I don't
have access to a car and the only good seminary library in the area is
Capital Theological Seminary) on the subject? Pro and against Thiede's view
are welcome.

Thanks,
Kerry "The Novice on the list" Gilliard
Director and Founder
W.I.T.N.E.S.S. Ministries
http://members.aol.com/blufunk195/witness.html

"God has a great sense of humor and I'm living proof!!"

From majordom  Mon Apr  1 04:17:06 1996
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Date: Mon, 01 Apr 96 10:13:11 +0100
From: willrut@uni-muenster.de
Subject: Luke 12,58
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First, I have to apologize my late dealing with this subject again. It's due to 
some days of vacancies.

On Sat, 23 Mar 1996, Maurice Robinson wrote:


> Although unusual, the future tense after MHPOTE is not unique to > the 
critical text, but is also found in the Byzantine Textform in > Mk.14:2 (MHPOTE 
QORUBOS ESTAI) and Heb.3:12 (MHPOTE ESTAI). By > the analogy given,
> the Byzantine scribes should have been as swift to "correct" 
> those instances as well as in Lk.12:58.  Since they did not, the > question is 
whether the Alexandrian scribes may have had reason 
> to alter the clause to the future tense and to depart from the > subjunctive. 

> Blass-Debrunner note specifically that it is the introduction of > the future 
tense which is anomalous, since in some MSS "the > fut.ind. has also been 
introduced to a very limited degree in the > very places where it would not have 
been permissible in > classical...usually with the aor.subj. as variant" 
(sec.369[2])

> More to the point, Bl-D. sec.370 note that MH "is combined in > classical with 
the subjunctive if the anxiety is directed towards > warding off something still 
dependent on the will, with the > indicative of all tenses if directed toward 
something which has > already taken place or is entirely independent of the will 
.... > (1) usually strengthened by POTE or PWS ... and then always with > the 
aor.subj. .... This construction is evidently literary and > not a part of the 
vernacular."

> Note within the context of Lk.12:58, the act of the will appears > to be 
lacking in the final clauses, thereby giving some reason to > alter the tense to 
the indicative.  The Byzantine reading > reflects the literary, if not the 
classical perspective.  

> The use of the fut.indic. in Lk.12:58 appears thus to be a late 
> variant created within the Alexandrian texttype, and an > alteration 
reflecting common vernacular rather than normal > literary style.  

First of all, I would like to comment on Blass-Debrunner sec. 370. Since I do 
not know exactly which edition/translation of this tool of reference you are 
referring to, Maurice, I may add that the formulation "MH...wird in der klass. 
Sprache mit dem Konj. verbunden, wenn die Besorgnis abwehrend auf etwas noch vom 
Willen Abhaengiges, mit dem Indik. aller Tempora, wenn sie auf etwas schon 
Geschehenes oder überhaupt vom Willen Unabhaengiges gerichtet ist" (is combined 
in classical with the subjunctive if the anxiety is directed towards warding off 
something still dependent on the will, with the indicative of all tenses if 
directed toward something which has already taken place or is entirely 
independent of the will) is replaced by "...wird in der klass. Sprache mit dem 
Konj. verbunden, wenn die Besorgnis auf etwas Zukuenftiges, mit dem Indik. aller 
Tempora, wenn sie auf etwas schon Geschehenes gerichtet ist" (Ergaenzungsheft zu 
Blass-Debrunner, 12th edition, Goettingen 1970). 

Note, the reference to "the act of the will" is completaly abandonned, 
supposedly due to its inappropriatness. 

But, since you may rely on the formulation of the older edition, for judging it 
appropriate, I would like to add some further comments on the scenario you 
provided.

1) If, "within the context of Lk. 12:58, the act of will appears to be lacking 
in the final clauses", then the indicative tense and _not_ the Byzantine 
subjunctive ought to be judged as reflecting "the literary, if not the classical 
perspective".

2) If the Alexandrian scribes are so conscious with regard to the act of the 
will in Lk 12,58, what about the first verb KATASURH? And what about the 
indicative in Heb 3,12 where the subjunctive is so desperately required?  

3) Given the fact that in Lk 12,58 the "Byzantine reading reflects the literary, 
if not the classical perspective", what about the argument from lectio 
difficilior? I may refer to your case on 1.Cor 13,3, the so-called "future 
subjunctive" of the Byzantine tradition. 

On Wed, 31 Jan 1996, you wrote:
> The bigger problem is that it not only is 'not good Greek' but it > blatantly 
appears to be erroneus by suggesting a non-existent 
> future subjunctive. I fail to see how scribes in the main would 
> simply allow such an anomalous reading to stand.

Here in 1.Cor 13,3 you pushed the argument from lectio difficilior so far that 
it results in suggesting an erroneus reading in the autograph in order to defend 
the authenticity of the Byzantine text. In Lk 12,58 on the other hand, you feel 
comfortable with a Byzantine reading that "reflects the literary, if not the 
classical perspective". For someone who does not a priori know which reading is 
"the original" it is not easy to follow your arguments.  

4) You wrote:

> I would further suggest, in light of certain MSS having altered > the order of 
the text from SE PARADW into PARADW SE that this may > well have given impetus 
for other scribes coming upon such in > their exemplars to simply create 
PARADWSEI from that latter > combination.

I simply fail to see how one single minusule (1071, 12th century) can be 
referred to as "certain MSS". Note, versions and (Latin) fathers are usually no 
secure witnesses to alterations in word order of that limited effect.
 
5) You wrote (quoting Robertson):
 
> "Both subj. and fut.ind. likewise occur in Mt 13:15 MH POTE > IDWSIN -- KAI 
IASOMAI" [Byz and Alex here agree].

I'm afraid that your assertion in brackets is somehow ambiguous. Only the vast 
majority of von Sodens K 1 agrees here with Alex. K x is divided, 15 manuscripts 
out of 50, K r in total, and Chrysostomos give the subj. IASWMAI. Even more 
interesting is the fact that Mt 13,15 is a quotation from Is 6,10 (the LXX MSS 
are divided too), and most interesting is the fact that this quotation is also 
given in John 12,40 where 89 manuscripts out of 158 of von Sodens K x and K r in 
total, and also some K 1 manuscripts give the subj. IASWMAI (For the sake of 
completeness should be added that the subj. IASWMAI in Acts 28,27 is supported 
by von Sodens K c and K r). When checking your own edition I feel deeply in need 
of some explanation, for in Mt 13,15 and in Acts 28,27 you give ind. IASOMAI, 
but in John 12,40 you give subj. IASWMAI.  

6) To sum up from my viewpoint: I would strongly suggest that in Lk 12,58 the 
subjunctives (PARADW, BALH) are assimilations in tense and mood to the first 
KATASURH. Together they "reflect the literary, if not the classical 
perspective", and therefor in this peculiar instance the Byzantine text has to 
be judged as secondary.  
Ulrich Schmid, Muenster

From majordom  Mon Apr  1 04:37:30 1996
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Sorry, I erroneously used the mailbox of wilrut for my previous reply.

Ulrich Schmid, Muenster



From majordom  Mon Apr  1 07:21:07 1996
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Date: Mon, 1 Apr 1996 07:21:23 -0400
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From: nichael@sover.net (Nichael Lynn Cramer)
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At 2:16 AM 01/04/96, MrNyse195@aol.com wrote:
>My mother surprised me today by picking up my copy of "Rekindling the Word"
>and I'm starting to read thru it. In search of all honesty and truth, I'd
>like to examine the opposing views against Thiede's arguments in this book.
> Since I've noticed folks making references to older works and theories, I
>assume that this subject really ain't that new......with that in mind, does
>anyone have any older refs (preferably available on the Web since I don't
>have access to a car and the only good seminary library in the area is
>Capital Theological Seminary) on the subject? Pro and against Thiede's view
>are welcome.

Kerry

Here's an excerpt from a posting I made a couple of weeks back which may be
helpful.

>Others have pointed to recent discussions on this topic that appeared on
>this list (and on IOUDAIOS).  Two other, easily accessible, in-print
>discussion of this material are:
>
>Graham Stanton, "A Gospel Among the Scrolls?", Bible Review, Dec 1995.
>
>Graham Stanton, _Gospel Truths?: New Light on Jesus and the Gospels_
>(Trinity Press, 1995).
>
>(The BR article (primarily selections from the book) focuses on p64 and the
>proposal, put forth by Jose O'Callaghan that certain fragments discovered
>at Qumran contained portions of the NT.  The book is a "popular" survey of
>the current state of contemporary NT scholarship.  The book covers a very
>wide range of topics and, while there are several places where I wished
>that the book had contained a bit more detail, it is a very nice overview
>of the material.  A good book, rich in bibliographic detail, for those of
>us who view these things from the sidelines or for a friend who wonders
>what is actually going on in the field.)

Nichael
nichael@sover.net                                               __
http://www.sover.net/~nichael              Be as passersby   -- IC



From majordom  Mon Apr  1 13:08:17 1996
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From: "James R. Adair" <jadair@scholar.cc.emory.edu>
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A recent flood of subscribers after I made an announcement about this 
list on the b-greek list has pushed the number of people on the tc-list 
over the 200 mark.  Now if we can only get more of you to participate, so 
it doesn't look like I set up the list for Maurice and me to debate 
text-critical theory!  Seriously, though, I would like to welcome all of 
the new people to the list and remind the subscribers that we can talk 
HB/OT textual criticism, too (including LXX, etc.).

Also, let me remind you that you can subscribe to a digest version of the 
list.  Simply send the message

subscribe tc-list-digest
unsubscribe tc-list 

to majordomo@scholar.cc.emory.edu (you can include an e-mail address 
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for these messages at the top.

Jimmy Adair
Manager of Information Technology Services, Scholars Press
    and
Managing Editor of TELA, the Scholars Press World Wide Web Site
---------------> http://scholar.cc.emory.edu <-----------------


From majordom  Mon Apr  1 20:05:27 1996
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From: rmoore@central.murdoch.edu.au (Richard K. Moore)
Subject: autographs versus archetypes
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What working hypothesis ought a textual critic have for any 'autograph' of
a NT writing?  Is there the expectation that in a longer document such as
Romans (about 28 A-4 pages if written out by hand today) there would be
absolutely no (unintentional) errors of any kind whatever?  Even with
computer technology, including spell and grammar checkers) modern
tertiary-trained students are not, in my experience, able to achieve this
even for much shorter documents.  Few books, even the most scholarly, are
without any unintentional errors.  It would be surprising if there were
absolutley no errors in any of the original compositions of the NT, and
naturally, the possibility of error increases with the increase in length
of a document.
The point being made gains force when the purposes for which the NT
writings came into being are taken into account.  To stay with Romans, for
example, Paul and Tertius no doubt saw their task as that of writing to
Christians at the heart of the Empire; it would never have occurred to them
that they were engaged in writing Holy Scripture or that their letter would
be studied in 2000 years time.  Here indeed is a double standard:  to
accept that everyone else makes (unintentional) errors when composing
longer documents, but not the NT authors!  The view that the autographs
themselves were completely free of (unintentional) errors is itself a faith
statement.
(This situation, indeed the whole history of the transmission of the text
of the NT, far from being a threat to a committed Christian, beautifully
illustrates how God, in his grace, delights to use the weak and foolish
things of this world to shame the strong and the wise; it is not just the
copyists and modern scholars who are involved here, but the original
authors).

Richard K. Moore,
Head of New Testament Department, Baptist Theological College of Western
Australia;
Lecturer, Murdoch University.



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From: Timothy John Finney <finney@central.murdoch.edu.au>
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Zuntz points out in his _Disquisition on the Corpus Paulinum_ that every 
MS of Paul's letters is a collection. Even Hebrews is always found in a 
collection. There are some points of dissension, but in general there is 
agreement that Paul's letters and Hebrews were in circulation as a 
collection by 100 AD.

When I mentioned archtype rather than autograph in my initial post, it 
was with this in mind. No one knows what happened between the original 
composition of these writings and their collection into one corpus, but 
here is a possible scenario (the usual arguments about dating etc. aside):

1) 55 - 70 AD Paul's letters and Hebrews written and sent (copies may have 
been made for other churches, especially where the letter was addressed 
to one but instructions were given for it to be read in others).

2) Some enterprising early believer, probably while being reprimanded for 
wasting time on trifles, decided to collect Paul's writings. Who was it? 
My favourites are Timothy and Luke (Timothy because a couple of the 
collection are addressed to him; Luke because of his interest in orderly
written records), but, as with Hebrews, 'only God knows' (Origen, c. 
200). As others have pointed out, this would most practically have been 
achieved by writing to the various letters' custodian churches asking for 
copies (aside from letters already at hand).

3) Copies of letters not already at hand would be made (with varying 
accuracy, I dare say) and sent to the intrepid collector. This person 
then copied all of the letters into a single collection which is the 
archtype on which all subsequent copies of the Pauline collection are 
based. Where a copy of the collection was sent back to a church holding 
one of the originals, it could have been cross-checked.

Many implications spring from this possible scenario: 

1) The autographs are (at least) one copy distant from the archtype for all 
letters in the Pauline collection, except those that were already in the
possession of the original collector. 

2) Production of the archtype introduced another copying step.

3) Nevertheless, the collection archetype could be compared with the 
autographs whenever a copy of the collection archtype was sent to a custodian
of an autograph.

4) These primary copying steps are a possible source of the primitive 
corruptions that have been discussed by Maurice Robinson and James Adair. 

Aspects of this theory may even be testable: if certain members of the
collection have significantly less of what seem to be primitive
corruptions than would be expected from the overall average then this may
be due to those members having been copied less before incorporation into
the archtype collection. (What a shame that there are no papyri which have
the two letters to Timothy.)

On a related matter, a couple of years ago I wrote a C program that
simulates copying. It starts off with a row of zeroes, then introduces
'variants' by incrementing zeroes at random with a certain (low)
probability. There are parameters included which give the 'manuscripts'
(i.e. rows of numbers) chances of dying of old age or by violent death.

This is a funny program. Sometimes it seems to not work. That's because no
copies get made because the autograph dies or is killed before it gets
copied.  This made me think that we might have lost some autographs by
this phenomenon, but I don't think so any more because the possibility of
early collections having been made introduces a different dynamic: we
either end up with a whole collection or nothing. 

One outcome which I found interesting was that once a sample of the set of
copies produced was taken, it was quite common (depending on the
probabilities put into the program at the start) for a number besides zero
(the original 'reading') to predominate at a particular 'variation unit'. 

Modeling of early copying might produce some clues to help us in our
attempt to reconstruct the development of the New Testament text. One
phenomenon which happens in other populations is that conditions which
adversely affect a first population but favour or don't affect a second,
lead to a predomination of the varieties in the second population. On the
face of it, this could explain why the Byzantine text became dominant
after the Moslem conquest of Egypt. Whether or not the Egyptian or 
Byzantine variety is closest to the original is another question.

Tim Finney
Baptist Theological College
of Western Australia



From majordom  Tue Apr  2 06:25:15 1996
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From: DC PARKER <PARKERDC@m4-arts.bham.ac.uk>
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I have neither met nor read any palaeographer or papyrologist who 
gives any credence whatever to Thiede's claims about the Magdalen 
papyrus of Matthew.  My own criticisms are in The Expository Times 
for last November (Vol. 107), pp. 40-43.  His work is simply peripheral 
to what is being done in the study of NT MSS.
DC PARKER
DEPT OF THEOLOGY
UNIVERSITY OF BIRMINGHAM
TEL. 0121-414 3613
FAX  0121-414 6866
E-MAIL PARKERDC@M4-ARTS.BHAM.AC.UK

From majordom  Tue Apr  2 07:36:43 1996
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DC PARKER wrote:
>I have neither met nor read any palaeographer or papyrologist who
>gives any credence whatever to Thiede's claims about the Magdalen
>papyrus of Matthew.  My own criticisms are in The Expository Times
>for last November (Vol. 107), pp. 40-43.  His work is simply peripheral
>to what is being done in the study of NT MSS.
>DC PARKER

As a footnote:  Yesterday I received my copy of the new NYTimes Book Review
(dated 7APR96 --i.e. Easter Sunday) which contains a 2/3-page add for yet
another book by Thiede on this topic.

The ad is topped by large, headline-ish letters: "WHAT IF PROOF OF JESUS'
LIFE WAS THERE ALL ALONG BUT NO ONE NOTICED...    UNTIL NOW."

The book is title _Eyewitness to Jesus_ and is subtitled "Amazing New
Manuscript Evidence About the Origin of the Gospels" and is co-authored by
Thiede and Matthew O'Ancona (who I assume is a journalist/ghostwriter?)

The accompanying copy begins "Is there finally material proof that the
Gospel of Matthew is the account of an eyewitness to Jesus?" and ends
"...recount[s] the fascinating story of a discovery that rivals that of the
Dead Sea Scrolls."  Following this are two gushing blurbs from the famous
papyrological journals Time and The Times (London).  ;-)

The book is being published by Anchor[? *] Doubleday.  Also noted is that
the book will be offered as alternate selections by the Book of the Month
Club and One Spirit Book Club.

    [* Note: I _think_ it's Anchor Doubleday. What the ad actually says is
             "Doubleday" preceeded by an anchor-symbol, although the word
Anchor
             does not appear as it usually does.]


Nichael
nichael@sover.net                                               __
http://www.sover.net/~nichael              Be as passersby   -- IC



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On Fri, 29 Mar 1996, Maurice Robinson wrote:

> No other work of antiquity has such a wealth of support, and no 
> classical scholar would suggest that primitive error were likely 
> in such a situation.

Conjectural emendation is always a critical point. Nevertheless, especially 
classical scholars are often forced to, how they call it, _divinatio_, whether 
due to only one existing copy of a given text or due to a corrupt archetype of 
the textual transmission of a given text. The whole problem is theoretically and 
practically exposed in 'Paul Maas, Textkritik, Leipzig (3rd ed.) 1957'. Looking 
at New Testament textual criticism especially classical scholars or classical 
trained scholars did never rule out the possibility of, if not the need for 
divinatio. Randomly chosen I may refer to Schleiermacher (note hat he was also 
an editor of Plato), and in our century to Guenter Zuntz and his article 'The 
critic correcting the author; in: Philologus, XCIX (1955), 295-303 (idem, 
Opuscula selecta, Mancester 1972, 269-277)'.

It is quite an other thing, to be shure, if one has to accept every single 
conjectural emendation, but it is simply a fact that most, if not all classical 
scholars never totally rule out the need for divinatio even in the New 
Testament.

I just may give an example from Patristic literature, the so-called 'Dialog des 
Adamantius PERI THS EIS QEON ORQHS PISTEWS' (author unknown, copmosed between 
around 330 and 363 A.D.). The text is conserved in 10 manuscripts stemming from 
12th to 16th centuries. They all go back to one single heavily corrupted 
archetype including corruptions of all sorts (nonsense readings, interchange of 
leaves, etc.). The dialogue was translated by Rufin into Latin (around 400 
A.D.), and, though lacking the major interchange of leaves corruption, included 
one hardly understandable reading which Rufin smoothed away in his translation. 
That the reading in charge is in fact a scribal error can be demonstrated 
because we know the source of the dialogue in this particular instance. So we 
know that the corruption goes back at least to 40 to 70 years after the date of 
composition. Looking only at the textual transmission of the dialogue Rufin was 
in no different situation with respect to this peculiar reading than we are 
today. What makes the difference is that we know the dialogue's source.  

To be shure, I don't want to argue for total corruption in New Testament textual 
transmission. Personally I would opt for extreme caution with respect to 
conjectural emendation. This is mostly due to the vast amount of textual data we 
have to work through. On the other hand there is the very crucial point that the 
New Testament is not just one book, but in fact a _collection_ of books 
consisting of different _subcollections_. With respect to this problem 
conjectural emendation is never to be ruled out. Because, what can be 
reconstructed as archetype of the textual transmission may not be identical with 
what was written down for example by Tertius (c.f. the doxology and the ending 
of Pauls letter to the Romans).

On Tue, 2 Apr 1996, Timmothy John Finney wrote:

> Zuntz points out in his _Disquisition on the Corpus 
> Paulinum_ that every MS of Paul's letters is a collection. 
> Even Hebrews is always found in a collection. There are 
> some points of dissension, but in general there is agreement 
> that Paul's letters and Hebrews were in circulation as a 
> collection by 100 AD.

> When I mentioned archtype rather than autograph in my 
> initial post, it was with this in mind. No one knows what 
> happened between the original composition of these 
> writings and their collection into one corpus.

I totally agree with that. What may be an interesting and worthwile effort is to 
 collect data possibly connected to the emergence of collections. 

Ulrich Schmid, Muenster 

From majordom  Tue Apr  2 11:17:19 1996
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Date: Tue, 02 Apr 1996 09:55:34 -0600
From: PFlesher@uwyo.edu (Paul V. M. Flesher)
Subject: Re: Bibliographical request
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Dear Michael,
The essay by Weitzman appeared in _VI Symposium Syriacum 1992_, Rene
Lavenant, SJ, ed., (Rome, Pontificio Istituto Orientale, 1994) Orientalia
Christiana Analecta 247.  I could xerox a copy if you need it.
The Weitzman coming out in the next issue of _Targum Studies_ (currently in
preparation) is "Is the Peshitta of Chronicles a Targum?".  Hopefully it
will be out by the fall.
Paul
P.S.  All recent publications in Targum and Aramaic Studies are published
twice a year by the _Newsletter for Targumic and Cognate Studies_.  It
costs $8.00 a year and you subscribe by contacting me.  The next issue
should be out in early May.

>Has anyone come across an article by M.P. Weitzman, "Peshitta, Septuagint, and
>Targum"? If so, I would appreciate full biblio info. (If Dr Weitzman is reading
>this, perhaps he could send me an offprint.) I am also looking for R. Owens's
>"The relationship between the Targum and Peshitta..." Perhaps that's already
>appeared in Targum Studies.
>
>Thanking you in advance,
>
>----------------------------------------------------------
>     Michael V. Fox
>     Professor of Hebrew
>     University of Wisconsin
>     1220 Linden Drive
>     Madison, WI 53706
>

Paul V. M. Flesher
Religious Studies
University of Wyoming
Laramie, WY  82071-3353



From majordom  Tue Apr  2 12:35:31 1996
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At 09:05 AM 4/2/96 +0800, Richard K. Moore wrote:

>Here indeed is a double standard:  to
>accept that everyone else makes (unintentional) errors when composing
>longer documents, but not the NT authors!  The view that the autographs
>themselves were completely free of (unintentional) errors is itself a faith
>statement.

>(This situation, indeed the whole history of the transmission of the text
>of the NT, far from being a threat to a committed Christian, beautifully
>illustrates how God, in his grace, delights to use the weak and foolish
>things of this world to shame the strong and the wise; it is not just the
>copyists and modern scholars who are involved here, but the original
>authors).


This is interesting indeed and from a purely human point of view would be
accepted without reservation. BUT...doesn't this theory necessarily
presuppose the denial of even the possibility of the THEOPNEUSTOS?


From majordom  Tue Apr  2 13:17:21 1996
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From: MrNyse195@aol.com
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>>>>>Following this are two gushing blurbs from the famous
papyrological journals Time and The Times (London).  ;-)

The book is being published by Anchor[? *] Doubleday.  Also noted is that
the book will be offered as alternate selections by the Book of the Month
Club and One Spirit Book Club.<<<<<<

Why is this starting to sound more and more like one big FAD instead of
responsible scholarship?

A novice sitting back and watching the whole mess.....
Kerry

From majordom  Tue Apr  2 14:48:22 1996
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From: HuldrychZ@aol.com
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In a message dated 96-04-02 12:35:27 EST, you write:

>This is interesting indeed and from a purely human point of view would be
>accepted without reservation. BUT...doesn't this theory necessarily
>presuppose the denial of even the possibility of the THEOPNEUSTOS?

The notion that the Biblical writers were somehow possessed by the Divine
Spirit, losing their humanity and becoming automatons drives against the
grain of serious Biblical interpretation.  To inisit that God emptied them of
their humanity (which is the logical conclusion of your implication) is to
repeat the error of Docetism- this time not in the area of Christology, but
in the area of something far less.

The Biblical writers did not know they were writing Scripture- they were just
writing theology, like Barth or Schleiermacher or Schaffer, or the like.
 Their works were and are treasured because they are meaningful, not because
they are inhuman.


Jim West

Jim West

From majordom  Tue Apr  2 19:23:56 1996
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At 12:30 PM 4/2/96 -0500, Mark E. Burrill wrote:
>At 09:05 AM 4/2/96 +0800, Richard K. Moore wrote:
>
>>Here indeed is a double standard:  to
>>accept that everyone else makes (unintentional) errors when composing
>>longer documents, but not the NT authors!  The view that the autographs
>>themselves were completely free of (unintentional) errors is itself a faith
>>statement.
>
>This is interesting indeed and from a purely human point of view would be
>accepted without reservation. BUT...doesn't this theory necessarily
>presuppose the denial of even the possibility of the THEOPNEUSTOS?
>
It does no such thing.  I find it amazing that normally intelligent people
will believe that they have the Word of God only if the autographs are
infallible, even though the autographs no longer exist.  Instead, what we
have are fallible preachers and teachers using fallible translations based
on fallible manuscripts.  Everyone agrees on these points; but somehow the
inspiration of the Word is compromised unless the non-extant autographs are
infallible!

Marty Brownfield
mbrownfield@vantek.net  or  mpbrownf@fedex.com
http://www.vantek.net/pages/mbrownfield/index.html


From majordom  Tue Apr  2 20:54:25 1996
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I sense that we are drifting off into a discussion that caused a lot of
flame throwing a few weeks back on the b-greek list.  (I threw my share.)
May we get back to the Greek and Hebrew text that we can all have before us
and leave these discussions to other lists.  Please.
Carlton Winbery
END

Carlton L. Winbery
Prof. Religion
LA College, Pineville, La
winberyc@popalex1.linknet.net
winbery@andria.lacollege.edu



From majordom  Tue Apr  2 20:55:59 1996
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On 2 April 1996, Richard K. Moore wrote:

>Here indeed is a double standard:  to accept that everyone else makes 
>(unintentional) errors when composing longer documents, but not the NT 
>authors!  The view that the autographs themselves were completely free 
>of (unintentional) errors is itself a faith statement.
...
As I think you affirm, most--if not all--propositional statements include 
an element of faith.  I agree that the proposition "the biblical authors 
committed no intentional errors" is a faith statement, which cannot be 
demonstrated hypothetically apart from a priori assumptions.  Existentially,
such a statement could never be demonstrated due to the apparent fact that
there are no autographs.  However, if an autograph were to be discovered,
who would have the authority to claim that it would be such?  Furthermore,
if such a discovery were made and agreed upon (a theoretical possibility,
but a practical impossibility), who would be willing to admit "unintentional
errors" were present (at this point, theological gymnastics undoubtedly
would consume many interpreters)?

I suppose such unintentionality is an important concept for some 
non-empirical theories of human experience or biblical inspiration, but 
I can't see what unintentionality yields now in light of the ms evidence 
available.  
...


Richard K. Moore further wrote:

>(This situation, indeed the whole history of the transmission of the text
>of the NT, far from being a threat to a committed Christian, beautifully
>illustrates how God, in his grace, delights to use the weak and foolish
>things of this world to shame the strong and the wise; it is not just the
>copyists and modern scholars who are involved here, but the original
>authors).
.....
This certainly qualifies as a faith statement, and I quickly would cite 
2 Cor. 4.7a as a primary source for such a view.  Aren't "the weak and 
foolish" integral to all human experience?  Assuming God created human 
rationality with limitations in the first place certainly would agree 
with your view of the authors/editors, the copyists, modern critical 
editors, and publishers.  In this context, I fear that some people 
unknowingly assume a Cartesian epistemological discourse to excuse or 
condemn the innate human experience of rational limitation for writing, 
reading, copying, and interpreting.  When this kind of dogmatic discourse 
is applied to the NT texts (or any other), one erects barriers against
any hope for a glimpse of the author's original intent.

So, to respond to the question about what working hypothesis one should have 
about a biblical autograph's "unintentional errors," I would start with 
2 Cor. 4.7a and Lk 1.1-4.  Although 2 Cor. 4.7a does not specifically 
address biblical autographs, it may inform the question as to Paul's view
of the human knowledge process.  And, Lk 1.1-4 seems not to invest any 
"autograph" (if such were known to the writer) with additional hypothetical 
value; hence, once might argue that Lk 1.1-4 reveals a lack of interest in 
(or ignorance of) the kind of exactitude assumed achievable by some 
positivistically minded interpreters and text critics.
============================================================================
======
Bennie R. Crockett, Jr.
Professor of Religion and Philosophy
Assoc. VP, Academic Programs
William Carey College
Hattiesburg, MS  
USA


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At 2:46 PM 4/2/96, HuldrychZ@aol.com wrote:

>In a message dated 96-04-02 12:35:27 EST, you write:
>
>>This is interesting indeed and from a purely human point of view would be
>>accepted without reservation. BUT...doesn't this theory necessarily
>>presuppose the denial of even the possibility of the THEOPNEUSTOS?
>
>The notion that the Biblical writers were somehow possessed by the Divine
>Spirit, losing their humanity and becoming automatons drives against the
>grain of serious Biblical interpretation.  To inisit that God emptied them of
>their humanity (which is the logical conclusion of your implication) is to
>repeat the error of Docetism- this time not in the area of Christology, but
>in the area of something far less.

Sorry, to intrude on this thread, but I couldn't resist ;-) What you wrote
(Jim West) is simply not true! The doctrine of inspiration doesn't at all
imply that the Biblical writers were "automatons" any more than the doctrine
of predestination implies that people are not free agents. God's providence
in assuring that the Biblical writings would be free from error works in and
through the human consciousness.

I challenge you to find a single theologian (aside from those represented at
the Council of Trent - which is the only place I know that the dictation
theory is really taught) who has held a position such as you outline above.
Otherwise the charge of setting up a strawman lies waiting at your doorstep;)

Or, perhaps you might attempt to support your claim that "losing their
humanity and becoming automatons [...] is the logical conclusion" of the
doctrine of inspiration. I'd welcome that! :)

>The Biblical writers did not know they were writing Scripture- they were just
>writing theology, like Barth or Schleiermacher or Schaffer, or the like.
> Their works were and are treasured because they are meaningful, not because
>they are inhuman.

Evidently Peter knew that Paul was writing Scripture! And surely Jeremiah
knew that the writing of his book was the revelation of God, since it was
at God's command that it was written. And even if some of them didn't know
they were writing Scripture, how does that preclude that they weren't?

And how is it that the Bible can't be both the writings of men and the
inspired revelation from God? I just don't see this as necessarily a true
disjunction (at least not without some _argument_ to support it).

In Christ,
Jim Beale


From majordom  Wed Apr  3 12:11:12 1996
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Jim Beal,

I regret that I must decline your invitation to offer "prrof" for something
which has none.  I feel compelled to acquiesce to the wishes of Dr. Winberry
and stick to purely textual issues in this forum.


Yours,

Jim West

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In the UBS 4th ed., an alternate reading for Jn 9.38 occurs that is 
not cited in the UBS 1st ed., UBS 3rd ed., UBS 3rd corr. ed., 
N-A, 26th ed., and N-A, 27th ed. [I do not have the UBS 2nd ed. at hand]

Although this eleventh century lectionary reading certainly is secondary,
I am wondering _why_ the UBS editors might have chosen to include this 
variant, especially in light of the fact that it is absent from the 
editions cited above.  Dr. Metzger does not address this issue in his
_Textual Commentary_.

Also, does anyone know if this reading is included in other critical
editions as an alternate reading?  If so, which ones?

================================================================================
Bennie R. Crockett, Jr. 
Professor of Religion and Philosophy
Assoc. VP, Academic Programs
William Carey College
Hattiesburg, MS 
USA


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In a recent posting (which I failed to save!) there was mention made of
decisions made as to which variants to include in the various editions of the
GNT.  (Or this, it seemed to me, was the gist of the posting).

I wrote Kurt Aland some years ago and he was kind enough to respond with some
anecdotal material concerning the process of selection.  I don't know if the
writer of the aforementioned post is looking for that kind of info or not.
 But I would be happy to supply what Dr. Aland wrote me. (its in German,
however, which is why I haven't just transcribed it and saved everyone the
trouble of reading this!; as I do not know if it is wanted or if it is of
interest to those with facility in German).
If you want me to, I will post the letter.


Jim
++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++
Jim West, ThD
Professor of Biblical Languages, CCBI

From majordom  Wed Apr  3 23:06:38 1996
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Regarding the posting by Bennie Crockett on John 9:38, perhaps the following
will help.  New collations of the lectionaries cited in UBS 4th were made, as
noted in the intro material (UBS 4th, 19*ff), whereas in previous UBS
editions, many lectionaries, including lectionary 253, were cited based on
prior Gk. New Testament citations, and therein were "sporadically used" (see
UBS 3rd, xxix f).  

One might surmise that in USB 4th, the fresh collation yielded the new
reading, but while logical, that part is conjecture on my part.  But if
correct, the inclusion would be automatic based on the statements in the
introductory material (UBS 4th,  20*: >In all the passages where they are
read, the evidence of the lectionaries is cited in the critical apparatus
along with that of the text manuscripts.<)

Bill Warren
Professor of New Testament and Greek
New Orleans Baptist Theological Seminary

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On Mon, 1 Apr 1996, James R. Adair wrote:

> A recent flood of subscribers after I made an announcement about this 
> list on the b-greek list has pushed the number of people on the tc-list 
> over the 200 mark.  Now if we can only get more of you to participate, so 
> it doesn't look like I set up the list for Maurice and me to debate 
> text-critical theory!  

>From my side also: please join in.

> Also, let me remind you that you can subscribe to a digest version of the 
> list.  Simply send the message
> 
> subscribe tc-list-digest
> unsubscribe tc-list 

Jimmy, is there any need or benefit for those on the main TC-list to 
receive the digest?  Or is this only for those who want a quick overview 
without having to read all of the lengthy posts?  It is a "reader's 
digest" type condensation, or merely a selection from what was posted in 
a given week?


_________________________________________________________________________
Maurice A. Robinson, Ph.D.           Assoc. Prof./Greek and New Testament
Southeastern Baptist Theological Seminary     Wake Forest, North Carolina
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

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From: Maurice Robinson <mrobinsn@mercury.interpath.com>
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Subject: Re: autographs versus archetypes
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On Tue, 2 Apr 1996, Carlton L. Winbery wrote:

> I sense that we are drifting off into a discussion that caused a lot of
> flame throwing a few weeks back on the b-greek list.  (I threw my share.)
> May we get back to the Greek and Hebrew text that we can all have before us
> and leave these discussions to other lists.  Please.
> Carlton Winbery

I concur with Carlton, and I intend to avoid further discussion on the
inspiration/inerrancy/autographs theme, even though from differing
theological persepctives this will affect one's view of and approach to NT
textual criticism in varying degrees, as does all theological opinion. 
Discussion of various theological perspectives simply is NOT the substance
of NT text-critical views, regardless of the vehemence of the advocacy. 


_________________________________________________________________________
Maurice A. Robinson, Ph.D.           Assoc. Prof./Greek and New Testament
Southeastern Baptist Theological Seminary     Wake Forest, North Carolina
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

From majordom  Thu Apr  4 01:26:24 1996
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On Thu, 4 Apr 1996, Maurice Robinson wrote:

> Jimmy, is there any need or benefit for those on the main TC-list to 
> receive the digest?  Or is this only for those who want a quick overview 
> without having to read all of the lengthy posts?  It is a "reader's 
> digest" type condensation, or merely a selection from what was posted in 
> a given week?

There is no reason for anyone on the tc-list to subscribe separately to 
the tc-list-digest.  The latter simply contains several postings to the 
tc-list concatenated together, with a list of subjects at the top.  It is 
all done automatically by the majordomo mailing list software, so there 
is no condensation of data (in that sense, "digest" is really a 
misnomer).  A digest is automatically created whenever the postings to 
tc-list that have accumulated since the last digest was created exceed 
40,000 bytes.  Digests are also created automatically every Monday, 
Wednesday, and Friday mornings, early in the morning (Eastern Standard 
or Daylight Time, U.S.).

In another post off-list, Maurice also asked about access to archives of 
tc-list discussions.  Majordomo has the ability to send the archived 
discussions by e-mail.  This is how it works.  Every month a new archive 
file for tc-list is created, and messages are appended to the file during 
the month.  Archive files can be identified by year and month; for 
example, tc-list.9603 contains all the postings for March of 1996.  Be 
aware that if you request this archive file, you will receive all of the 
mail messages for March as separate messages in your mailbox.  You can 
identify them by their dates, which are the original dates the messages 
were posted.  To get the archived messages for a particular month, send a 
message like this to majordomo@scholar.cc.emory.edu (_not_ to tc-list!):

get tc-list tc-list.9603

Soon you will receive the archived messages.  The first archive file is 
tc-list.9511.  We're looking at the possibility of archiving the list on 
a World Wide Web site, and we'll probably also put it on our FTP site.

One more note that is somewhat related: because of the traffic on this
list, our other mailing lists, and TELA (especially after we announced the
electronic membership directories of the SBL et al.), our Internet server
has just about reached its full capacity.  As a short-term measure we will
install some more memory, but we hope to upgrade to a more powerful
computer within a few months.  If you experience difficulties from time 
to time with this list or with TELA (refused connections, server not 
available, etc.), please realize that this is probably the reason, and 
try again a little later.  Thanks.

Jimmy Adair
Manager of Information Technology Services, Scholars Press
    and
Managing Editor of TELA, the Scholars Press World Wide Web Site
---------------> http://scholar.cc.emory.edu <-----------------

From majordom  Thu Apr  4 02:00:59 1996
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From: Maurice Robinson <mrobinsn@mercury.interpath.com>
To: tc-list@scholar.cc.emory.edu
Subject: Re: Jn 9.38 Text
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On Wed, 3 Apr 1996 crockett@felix.TECLink.Net wrote:

> In the UBS 4th ed., an alternate reading for Jn 9.38 occurs that is 
> not cited in the UBS 1st ed., UBS 3rd ed., UBS 3rd corr. ed., 
> N-A, 26th ed., and N-A, 27th ed. [I do not have the UBS 2nd ed. at hand]

Since I do not have the UBS4 (a protest against the horrendous typeface 
selected for the main text), could you inform us as to the reading of 
this sole eleventh-century lectionary so that we might be able to 
evaluate the editors' choice in this matter?

> Although this eleventh century lectionary reading certainly is secondary,
> I am wondering _why_ the UBS editors might have chosen to include this 
> variant, especially in light of the fact that it is absent from the 
> editions cited above.  Dr. Metzger does not address this issue in his
> _Textual Commentary_.

I am wondering also, unless one of the members of the UBS4 committee 
might have a specific interest from the point of view of rigorous 
eclecticism, or unless a recent article dealt with such reading (a pity 
Keith Elliott is not on the internet!).

> Also, does anyone know if this reading is included in other critical
> editions as an alternate reading?  If so, which ones?

It might be in Tischendorf or Von Soden, but I would first have to know 
precisely which reading it is before I look up those references.


_________________________________________________________________________
Maurice A. Robinson, Ph.D.           Assoc. Prof./Greek and New Testament
Southeastern Baptist Theological Seminary     Wake Forest, North Carolina
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

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From: Maurice Robinson <mrobinsn@mercury.interpath.com>
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On Wed, 3 Apr 1996 HuldrychZ@aol.com wrote:

> I wrote Kurt Aland some years ago and he was kind enough to respond with some
> anecdotal material concerning the process of selection.  I don't know if the
> writer of the aforementioned post is looking for that kind of info or not.
>  But I would be happy to supply what Dr. Aland wrote me. (its in German,
> however, which is why I haven't just transcribed it and saved everyone the
> trouble of reading this!; as I do not know if it is wanted or if it is of
> interest to those with facility in German).
> If you want me to, I will post the letter.

Please do, either translated or in the original German.  

Knowing that the UBS edition claimed its variants were considered to be
those "of significance to translators", I would be especially interested
if Prof.Aland had other reasons to mention in addition, since some of the
criticisms of the UBS edition were in regard to the "insignificant" 
nature of some of the variants selected while other more significant
readings were totally omitted.  

I also would be interested in any comments he may have offered regarding
the selection of variants included in N26/27, though I suspect there only
a broad compendium was in view (the Munster people can help out on that
one). 

_________________________________________________________________________
Maurice A. Robinson, Ph.D.           Assoc. Prof./Greek and New Testament
Southeastern Baptist Theological Seminary     Wake Forest, North Carolina
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

From majordom  Thu Apr  4 05:06:57 1996
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Date: Thu, 04 Apr 1996 02:14:39 +0000
From: Don Wilkins <dwilkins@ucr.campus.mci.net>
Organization: UC Riverside
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Jim,
I for one would like to see the letter; I'm sure it is interesting and I 
need to refresh my German from time to time anyway.

Don Wilkins
UC Riverside

From majordom  Thu Apr  4 08:37:10 1996
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Date: Wed, 27 Mar 96 09:00:54 CST
From: Mark_O'Brien@dts.edu (Mark O'Brien)
To: tc-list@scholar.cc.emory.edu, gjw@wnetc.com (Gregory J. Woodhouse)
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Original message sent on Mon, Mar 25  11:42 PM by gjw@wnetc.com (Gregory J.
Woodhouse) :

<snip>
> Another complication I see is that there seems to be a distinction 
> between the Text and specific texts. I often explain to people, for 
> example, that there is no such thing as an original manuscript of the 
> Bible. (Okay, maybe it's too obvious to say in this forum!) 
> Nevertheless, I consider the Bible to be scripture. But what I consider 
> to be scripture is not just one manuscript, fragment, or compendium. 

This is an interesting point you make, and immediately raises in my mind the
question of how do you classify variants then?  Are all variants, in your
opinion, inspired?  This is the tricky question for those of us who would like
to hold to any kind of verbal inspiration or inerrancy.

Regards,

Mark O'Brien
Grad. student, Dallas Seminary

From majordom  Thu Apr  4 11:45:13 1996
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Subject: Re: Text decisions
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> Jim,
> I for one would like to see the letter; I'm sure it is interesting and I 
> need to refresh my German from time to time anyway.
> 
> Don Wilkins
> UC Riverside

What he said.
Dave
http://www.nyx.net/~dwashbur/home.html
"I've gone to find myself.  If I get back 
before I get back, please keep me here."

From majordom  Thu Apr  4 12:05:29 1996
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From: wlp1@psu.edu (William L. Petersen)
Subject: Re: Jn 9.38 Text
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Bennie Crockett, Jr. asked:

>In the UBS 4th ed., an alternate reading for Jn 9.38 occurs that is 
>not cited in the UBS 1st ed., UBS 3rd ed., UBS 3rd corr. ed., 
>N-A, 26th ed., and N-A, 27th ed. [I do not have the UBS 2nd ed. at hand]
>
>Although this eleventh century lectionary reading certainly is secondary,
>I am wondering _why_ the UBS editors might have chosen to include this 
>variant, especially in light of the fact that it is absent from the 
>editions cited above.  Dr. Metzger does not address this issue in his
>_Textual Commentary_.
>
>Also, does anyone know if this reading is included in other critical
>editions as an alternate reading?  If so, which ones?
>
>===========================================================================
=====
>Bennie R. Crockett, Jr. 
>Professor of Religion and Philosophy
>Assoc. VP, Academic Programs
>William Carey College
>Hattiesburg, MS 
>USA
>
>
>
Several points.

First, everyone should remember that both NA (all editions) and UBS (all
editions) are merely _pocket editions_ (in German: Handausgabe), intended to
be the equivalent of a single-volume desk dictionary, as compared with the
Oxford English unabridged (in however many volumes:  20 or more?).  It is
intended for students, for scholars to take with them to the MS rooms in the
major libraries, for use in the classroom.  Its apparatus is, therefore,
always utterly incomplete and inadequate for serious textual study of the
NT.  As a precis (or abstract) of the known variants (the fullest lists of
which are found in Tischendorf, von Soden, and the volumes of the IGNT), a
selection process has been employed.  In conversations with Barbara Aland
and others, the main lines seem to be these:  "significant" variants from
the uncials, from the minuscules and papyri, as well as lectionaries (were
available);  significant _and supporting_ (for the Gk) variants from the
versions;  and variants which are of intrinsic interest on theological or
textual grounds.

Second, in this instance (at John 9.38), I suspect that the reading was
included for two reasons.  (1) As already suggested in a post, a new
collation of the lectionary may have become available;  (2) the variant
seems to be of interest from a textual point of view, for it echoes John
11.27 and is, therefore, an example of
"harmonization"/assimilation/"transposition" (the latter not in the
technical sense of an inversion, but in the sense of taking something from
11.27 and droping it into 9.38).

Third, the variant given in UBS4, from Lectionary 253 (date 1020:  46 years
before Wm. the Conqueror...), _IS_ (in a very similar--but not
identical--form) found elsewhere, although you'd never know it from UBS or
NA.  And this very similar variant _IS_ given in an earlier edition, namely
that of von Soden, on p. 438, where it is found in MS (v.S.) Ir 1083, which,
in Gregory numbers is MS 1187.  1187 is an XI cent. MS now in St. Catherines
(Mt. Sinai);  Lectionary 253 is in St. Petersburg.  One wonders if, because
of this distinctive link between the two and their origin in the same
century, they are not privy to the same tradition, either textual or
liturgical.  It would be interesting to learn of the provenance of L-253.

Fourth, this example shows, once again, the necessity of NEVER ignoring von
Soden, Tischendorf or the IGNT.  I am constantly amazed at the haste with
which so many look at a pocket edition (NA or UBS), and then think they have
the "full picture."  Not so.  Study von Soden or Tischendorf first;  then
take your pocket edition with you.  You will then be amazed how many times
you realize, when using just these pocket editions:  "Oh, yes, but there are
lots of other variants here, and much more MS/versional support for these
readings...  Let me get all the facts together;  then I'll get back to you..."


Petersen--Penn State Univ.


From majordom  Thu Apr  4 12:38:34 1996
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--PART.BOUNDARY.0.494.emout09.mail.aol.com.828639339
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Attached you will find the Aland letter I mentioned in an earlier posting.



Jim 
++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++

Jim West, ThD
Professor of Biblical Languages, CCBI
Petros TN 37845

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(Perhaps it would be of value to place this letter in its =93Sitz im Lebe=
n=94; While finishing a ThM  thesis on =93Explicit Quotations of Isaiah i=
n the Gospel of John=94 (which, I believe, will soon be made into a movie=
, with Tom Cruise playing me! :)  ), I wrote Herrn Aland concerning his c=
ommitee=92s work on the OT quotes in the NT.  I wanted to know how they r=
eached the decisions they did- so I wrote and asked.  What follows was hi=
s response):
=0D

Herrn Jim West
(address)
=0D

Sehr geehrter Herr West,
=0D
verbindlichen Dan fuer Ihren Brief vom 17. Juli.  Ich antowrte Ihnen, da =
die zustaendigen Mitarbeiter in Urlaub sind.  Die alttestamentlichen Zita=
te im Nestle-Aland 26 sind in einem langwierigen und schwierigen Arbeitsg=
ang festgelegt worden.  Bekanntlich werden sie in den verschiedenen Ausga=
ben des Neuen Testaments verschieden abgegrentzt.  Wir haben in zahlreich=
en Arbeitssitzungen aufgrund des gesamten Materials einschliesslich des h=
ebraeischen Textes von Fall zu Fall je nach den verschiedenen Voraussetzu=
ngen entscheiden.  Das war vor ueber 20 Jahren.  Ich weiss nicht einmal, =
ob die umfangreiche Materialkartei im Archiv noch vorhanden ist.  Selbst =
wenn das der Fall ist, ist es unmoeglich, alle dabei geltend gemachten Ge=
sichtspunkte zu wiederholen.  Ich kann nur sagen, dass die Abgrenzung nac=
h unserer Meinung sachgemaess ist.  Dass ich Ihnen nicht mehr sagen kann,=
 tut mir leid.
=0D
Mit den besten Gruessen
=0D
Ihr
=0D
K. Aland (signature)
=0D

--PART.BOUNDARY.0.494.emout09.mail.aol.com.828639339--


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[long -- part 1 of 2]

On Mon, 1 Apr 1996, James R. Adair wrote:

I'm just trying to examine a few presuppositions, in
order to see how they affect the resulting positions we take.

>> it is only a peculiarly biased viewpoint which would not
>> think the abundance of evidence would bring us closer to . . .
>> that goal.

>Abundance of evidence is certainly preferable to paucity of evidence.
>I would agree that it's possible to get closer to the original with
>more evidence, but as we approach the "100% original" limit, the
>diversity of the evidence shows us that this limit cannot really be
>reached.

I agree with this statement, worded as it is; I differ only regarding 
the previous claim that, in spite of the amount of evidence we possess, 
conjecture cannot be ruled out as the ultimate solution in certain
variant units.

Even within a Byzantine-priority method there still remain numerous
variant units where the external data are divided and the text
basically becomes established by internal evidence.  In those cases
(especially in the book of Revelation), no claim of 100% certainty can
be made, and I obviously do not in my own edition, nor do Hodges and
Farstad in their edition.

>> re: Hort's "primitive corruptions"
>> There seems to be a presumption of non-authenticity. . . .
>> Why not a presumption that, unless . . . inauthenticity can be
>> _proven_, the text should be considered basically "authentic" . . .

> There is no presumption of non-authenticity.  My presumption is
> non-certainty.

Your term is more precise, and I accept the semantic correction.

However, at whatever point you invoke the non-certainty principle in
favor of conjecture, non-authenticity is being proclaimed regardless.
I too have a non-certainty principle, as mentioned above, yet I rule
out conjecture altogether, due to the quantity of evidence we possess.

Under your principle, conjecture can _never_ be ruled out, and could in
theory be applied to any known variant unit where decisions or
interpretation are difficult, or even to difficult readings in places
where NO textual variation occurs at all, e.g. the "Enoch" conjecture
in 1Pet.3:19 which has been mentioned.

I simply consider it illegitimate to presume the "non-certainty"
principle as an initial factor which then allows a departure from the
evidence whenever the whim of conjecture may happen to strike the
interpreter.

Of course, neither the "Enoch" nor any other conjecture was printed as
the main text in any Greek NT edition until UBS3/N26 conjectured their
reading of Ac.16:12 -- and even this must have been embarrassing, since
some stray vulgate MSS have now been found which are cited to "justify"
that conjecture in N27 (Erasmus and the Johannine Comma incident should
not be forgotten when such occurs -- at least the Comma had some
limited _Greek_ evidence).

>Textual critics can only work with the data they have, and NT text 
>critics certainly do have good data in comparison with, say,
>classical text critics, but assuming that the reading of the autograph
>has been preserved in _every_ case is quite a presumption.

If the number of extant MSS, versions, and fathers were but 10, there 
would certainly be a great potential for conjecture.  If the number of 
extant witnesses increased to 100, the potential would be significantly 
reduced.  If statistical theory is now applied to the entire the 
quantity of data we currently posses, I  doubt that any statistician 
would suggest a theoretical degree of error more than about 1/10000 of
a percent.  If so, then simply rejecting conjecture as a legitimate 
methodology is hardly "quite a presumption" -- note also that the issue 
of "100% certainty" is _not_ being claimed merely because conjecture 
has been properly ejected from the text-critical toolbox.


>If I had said that primitive corruption
>is definitely behind certain readings in our NT text, this would be a
>faith presumption.  To say that we cannot be certain that _every_
>autograph reading is preserved in one or more extant witnesses is a
>statement of caution.

The presumption of possible primitive corruption which transcends our 
extant evidence is still a presupposition based on a faith (or doubt) 
assumption.  There are limits beyond which caution turns into paranoia, 
and I think that conjecture in the face of massive extant evidence 
simply crosses that line.

> It might not even be too much to say, from a
>purely logical standpoint, that it is a statement of fact, which could
>only be disproved if we had all of the autographs.

Of course, as others have mentioned, even if we did discover them, how 
would we know?  On the other hand, had the autographs been preserved 
from their original era, then textual criticism would no longer be 
needed.  A vicious hypothetical circle from which postulating
conjectures is the only escape? I think not.

>>Only some NT textual critics make a place for conjecture within the
>>text of the NT.  Most handbooks rule such a practice out entirely.

>I don't deny that many, maybe most (I haven't checked all of them),
>handbooks rule out conjecture; certainly all caution against its
>overuse.  But let me quote Metzger, _The Text of the New Testament_:

>   "One must admit the theoretical legitimacy of applying to the New
>    Testament a process which has so often been found essential in the
>    restoration of the right text in classical authors.  

Granted in theory, but Metzger immediately counters this theoretical 
presumption by appealing to the quantity of evidence which, even in 
his opinion, basically rules out conjecture as a working principle for 
NT textual criticism.

>    ... the amount of evidence for the text of the New Testament, ...
>    is so much greater than that available for any
>    classical author that the necessity of resorting to emendation is
>    reduced to the smallest dimensions.  

>    It is perhaps chiefly in the
>    Catholic Epistles and the Apocalypse, where the early manuscript
>    evidence is more limited than for any other part of the New
>    Testament, that the need for attempting conjectural emendation may
>    arise with any degree of urgency" (p. 185).

Metzger is correct that in those particular books we have less data
than in the remainder of the NT.  He still hedges with "perhaps",
however, and I would still urge that the quantity of evidence preserved
even in the Apocalypse (with around 275 MSS, a few versions, and a few
fathers) is wholly sufficient by which to establish the text without
having a need to appeal to conjecture.  Again, I would urge a
statistician to calculate the likelihood of error existing in over 300
Greek MSS of the Apocalypse with at least three competing types of text
(Andreas, Q, and Egyptian) existing.  I suspect even here about 1/1000
of a percent likelihood of error.

> Again, I am _not_
> advocating wholesale emendation of the text; I am only saying that
> emendation cannot be theoretically ruled out as a tool of the
> textual critic.

Granting the above in theory, is there any place in _practice_ where 
you are convinced that all extant witnesses are corrupt and conjecture 
is needed to resolve the difficulty?  Ac.16:12 of course immediately 
springs to mind, since UBS3/4 and N26/27 have adopted the conjecture 
there -- but is even that case necessary in your opinion?  And if so, 
what other places would you maintain are hopelessly corrupt in our 
extant data?

>> Further, as mentioned above, if primitive error can be suspected in _some_
>> places where variation occurs, what is there to prevent suspicion of
>> primitive error even in places where _no_ variation occurs?  There is no
>> legitimate boundary which restricts such a presupposition from being
>> applied anywhere once one does not happen to agree with or understand the
>> text.

>This is the famous "slippery slope" argument, popularly used by many
>people on all sides of many debates, but logically of no value to the
>argument.  

But this is precisely what _did_ occur in the case of the "Enoch"
reading in 1Pet., and, if all the conjectures noted in the various 
critical editions are listed, I will suspect that the majority of them 
in fact occur in places where there is _no_ substantial textual 
variation -- no "slippery slope" there; rather, a willingness to 
presume "primitive error" even in places where no variant readings 
exist.

>the real questions is whether other scholars will agree with their
>assessment.

Which, except for the Ac.16:12 matter, has not occurred in the printed
Greek NT editions as regards their main text.

>All in all,
>I doubt that admitting that conjecture is a legitimate tool of the NT
>textual critic will lead to a stampede of new emendations in future
>critical editions of the text.

I definitely agree with this statement; however, I still do not think
the door needs to be opened even a crack here.  There simply is too
much data with which to work.

_________________________________________________________________________
Maurice A. Robinson, Ph.D.           Assoc. Prof./Greek and New Testament
Southeastern Baptist Theological Seminary     Wake Forest, North Carolina
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~



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[long - part 2 of 2]

On Mon, 1 Apr 1996, James R. Adair wrote:

>Granting for the moment the assumption that text-type archetypes could be
>reconstructed (and I'm not sure that they can, except perhaps for the
>Byzantine, as Maurice said),

Clark and Colwell tried to reconstruct the Alexandrian archetype of
Mark, and gave up. The Western archetype is even more ephemeral.
However, I claimed only that _some_ form of primitive archetype could
be constructed for the leading texttypes.

Hort, following his own principles, claimed that "genealogy" would lead
us back to the archetype of the "neutral" text, which was that most
closely approaching the autograph.  Even though no one follows Hort's
patterns or method anymore, there is nothing wrong with the principle
of arguing back from the extant evidence to various primitive
archetypes and from there to the autograph -- there _had_ to be an
underlying text which gave rise to the extant data and their
hypothetical archetypes.  It therefore is not difficult to seek that
underlying "great archetype" which in fact _does_ equal the autograph.
As I said before, to do otherwise is "highly illogical, and
inconsistent with the data preserved to us in the extant witnesses."

Jimmy basically agrees on this point when he says:

>nothing I have said would prohibit the postulation of the archetype 
>that lay behind the text-type archetypes.

Yet he continues:

>However, it would only be a _postulate_, not a _certainty_, and it begs
>the question to say that it would of necessity be identical with the
>autograph.

I fail to see how the question is getting begged on this point.  The 
"non-certainty" principle still seems to dominate, but to what 
statistical degree?  Even from an eclectic standpoint, if all three
major texttypes are agreed, there should be a high degree of certainty
that such is the autograph text.  Even where two out of three texttypes
agree, most modern eclectics would consider that a presumption of
certainty.  To me it seems peculiar continually to postulate the
"uncertainty principle" when virtually all of the text found in all
witnesses is already 100% certain, except in those 10% of places where
variation occurs.  Even if I cannot guarantee or "prove" 100% certainty
as to the autograph text in a small number of variant units, this does
not mean that I must allow the uncertainty principle to dominate the
remainder of my text-critical theory or praxis, and continually to
leave the door open for suspicion of "primitive error" or conjecture.

>by their nature, conjectures are unscientific.
>That doesn't mean they're necessarily wrong, only that they rely on
>reasoned argument rather than extant textual data to make their case.

I concur that conjectures are unscientific. But if so, what place do 
they have within the _science_ of textual criticism?  (Metzger's answer 
was to proclaim textual criticism an "art" rather than a "science"; I 
thoroughly disagree).  

The "reasoned argument" approach of conjecture differs little from the 
rigorous eclectic methodology practiced by Kilpatrick and Elliot.  The 
latter, however, attempt first to seek out at least one witness to
support their conjecture before applying the identical "reasoned 
arguments."  Since most other eclectics (Epp's "reasoned eclectics" as 
opposed to the "rigorous eclectics") strongly oppose the method of 
Kilpatrick and Elliott, I would expect the same degree of opposition to 
conjectural emendation.

>I don't agree that every text-type can be reconstructed with 100%
>assurance, especially the Western text-type.

My position as well, including the Byzantine texttype (though to a
lesser degree of uncertainty than the Alexandrian or Western).

_Of course_ my conclusions are derived to a large extent from my
>presuppositions, as are Maurice's.  He has stated that one of his
>presuppositions is that the autographs were viewed with such high regard
>by their initial recipients that each was copied more than once (or the
>first copy was copied more than once).

This is plausible within my own theoretical outlook; however, any 
theological argument concerning "high regard" of those autographs as
either scripture or canonical, let alone inspired or inerrant is _not_
necessary to support my theory, and I do not advocate that as an 
essential postulate.

Allow merely that at _some_ point of time Christians or even
non-Christians considered the NT books worth perpetuating, and that at
such a time copies finally began to be copied more frequently.  My
theory still functions quite well in that scenario.

The fallacy in not assuming that (for whatever reason) the autograph
was not copied multiple times lies in the nature of scribal practice.
Unless one is prepared to assume that all single copies made from
single copies of the autograph remained error-free (which no one would
maintain), then it also is to be assumed that early errors in copies of
the autograph would continue to prevail in all or almost all MSS which
eventually descended from those single copies.

Scribally-intuitive correction might eliminate some of these errors,
but they would not eliminate most or even all of them; plus there would
be no diverging textual lines whereby cross-comparison and correction
would be able to function.

So, under the scenario of only single copies being made from the
autograph for some time, Jimmy's "primitive corruption" hypothesis
would presumably take form.  However, since in no case in the Greek NT
as we have it can any primitive corruption be demonstrated, wherein all
extant readings are totally nonsensical or misleading (including
Ac.16.12!), the presumption must be that the scribes somehow managed on
their own, without MS data, to eliminate all or almost all vestiges of
such primitive corruption.  This is highly unlikely, given the nature
of scribal textual transmission.

The alternative hypothesis is that there were in fact varying lines of
transmission which stemmed directly from the autograph which then
became the basis for cross-comparison and correction, whether used
frequently in the early "popular text" era or not.  Under the
scientific method, the best hypothesis remains that which requires the
least amount of postulates in order to be fulfilled.  In this case, the
easiest and most plausible solution is to see the autograph as the
source from which a number of copies were made, each of which were
themselves copied a varying number of times, eventually diversifying
into both the "uncontrolled popular text" MSS and the "local text" MSS
which we see emerging as texttypes by at least the end of the second
century.

>He has further indicated that one
>reason for thinking this is his "view of apostolic authority and the
>evangelistic intent of communication transcending the single recipients of
>the autograph MSS."  Fine.  I can see why he concludes that every reading
>of the autographs has been preserved.

I must again restate that my own view of canonicity, inerrancy,
inspiration, and apostolic authority does _not_ drive the theory.  The 
issue is historically- and not theologically-based, and the question is 
whether those living in the era of the autographs themselves considered 
the works sufficiently important (for whatever reasons) to perpetuate 
them, and then how to explain their perpetuation en masse in numerous 
copies.  Alternate scenarios, such as Jimmy's suggestion of only one 
copy being made from the autograph, and one copy from the copy, for a 
given period of time can certainly be suggested; but it still devolves 
down to which hypothetical scenario is more plausible, given the known 
facts of history, with the expansion of the church during the first 
three centuries and the known multiplication of scripture and its 
differentiation into "mixed texts" and texttypes within 150 years.  I 
suggest the extant data can most readily be explained by presuming 
multiple copying of the autograph.  That is all.  My own theological 
views do not affect this hypothesis of transmission; and even an 
atheistic scholar could come to the same conclusions, even if he did 
not believe the text thereby transmitted.

>I, however, am not as convinced that every NT autograph was so fortunate.
>We know that other early gospels existed, and many scholars think that
>other letters of Paul have been lost (e.g., Laodiceans, other letters to
>the Corinthians).  

These works did exist, but many were not perpetuated, or exist only in 
fragments such as the "Uncanonical Gospel" fragment P.Oxy.840.  Others, 
like the Shepherd of Hermas, which was quite popular in the early 
church, exist, but were not preserved and perpetuated as with the 
canonical NT literature.  Without getting back into the argument over 
canonicity, one still can argue that literature which was considered 
more theologically "significant" (or "canonical" or whatever) would be 
more likely to be perpetuated in large numbers than works which were 
not viewed in the same manner.

>This suggests to me that _some_ works that made it into
>the NT may not have been copied as early or as frequently as others, such
>as the gospels and the major Pauline letters.  

As Metzger noted, there are fewer MSS of the General Epistles and 
Revelation than other NT books.  Revelation especially, since it was 
not only "disputed", but also was never read in the Greek lections.
The smaller number of MSS of the General Epistles also reflect some 
dispute over their canonicity as well as limited lectionary use.  
Obviously the Gospels and Pauline Epistles predominated in usage and 
popularity.  This did not, however, result in the remaining NT books 
being excluded from ultimate canonicity.


>After all, the early
>Christians didn't have the luxury of knowing which books would ultimately
>be in the NT (this gets into the issue of the NT canon).  

For which see the handbooks, whether Metzger, Bruce, von Campenhausen, 
or Westcott.  I will abstain from discussing the general theory of this
aspect within a text-critical forum.

>Further evidence for this presumption is the sparsity of early
>mss of books like James and 2 Peter.  All this leads me to question
>whether the autographs of these books, or their immediate textual
>descendants, were copied more than once, or, if two or three copies were
>made, whether these lines of textual descent might not have completely died
>out without leaving a trace on the preserved ms tradition.  

I do not think the sparsity of evidence in the General Epistles or 
Revelation implies anything regarding the number of copies made from 
the autograph.  It does reflect the popularity or frequency of use made
of those NT books within the Orthodox Church (nascent or as ultimately
developed), and even the canonical disputes concerning such books; but 
I seriously doubt that any claim can be made as to how often such books 
were initially copied from the autograph.  That more than one copy was 
made from the autograph, I will maintain, since it is that scenario 
which best explains the extant data, diversified as it is into the 
various texttype alignments we currently possess.

>I'm not as certain as Maurice that all of the readings of
>the autographs have been preserved in the extant mss.  Maybe they have
>been, but I suspect that they haven't in every case.  At whichever
>conclusion the text critic arrives, presuppositions play a large role in
>his or her decision.

This is absolutely true.  My own presuppositions, however, stem from a 
working hypothesis of textual transmission and a reconstructed history 
of that transmission.  This is a major difference from the approach of 
the modern eclectic school, and explains why I see no need for 
conjecture or suspicion of "primitive error" while they (at least Jimmy 
and in Ac.16.12 the N27/UBS4 editors) do.

_________________________________________________________________________
Maurice A. Robinson, Ph.D.           Assoc. Prof./Greek and New Testament
Southeastern Baptist Theological Seminary     Wake Forest, North Carolina
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

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On Wed, 27 Mar 1996, Mark O'Brien wrote:

[addressed to Gregory J. Woodhouse] 

> This is an interesting point you make, and immediately raises in my mind the
> question of how do you classify variants then?  Are all variants, in your
> opinion, inspired?  This is the tricky question for those of us who would like
> to hold to any kind of verbal inspiration or inerrancy.

Quite interesting as a hypothesis, though I would not attempt it in
practice.  Theoretically (and theologically) only the readings which
comprise the autograph should be considered "inspired"; however, I am
perfectly willing to admit the accuracy of statements in certain variant
readings, such as the seven steps in the Western text of Acts.  

Even some of the non-canonical sayings of Jesus, such as those inserted
into Matt.20.28 and Lk.6:4 may be "authentic", though non-canonical and
not to be considered "inspired" as with the autograph text (the insertion
in Mk.16 in W is not considered as likely for an "authentic" saying of
Jesus, and I exclude that one).  

If "authentic," though not inspired and non-canonical, such statements
nevertheless can be "inerrant", just as any historical fact could be
"inerrant" within the secular realm.  But this brings up the further
(legitimate) issue of utilizing textual criticism to illustrate and
illuminate the varying and developing views of the Christian church in
different eras, as Bart Ehrman mentioned some time back. 

This line of argument also falls under the category of theology and not 
textual criticism per se, so I will eschew further comment on this point.


_________________________________________________________________________
Maurice A. Robinson, Ph.D.           Assoc. Prof./Greek and New Testament
Southeastern Baptist Theological Seminary     Wake Forest, North Carolina
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~



From majordom  Thu Apr  4 16:56:57 1996
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I'm very new to the list. One of the hats I wear is that of a Bible 
translator, and recently I discussed the issue of the Gergesenes vs. 
Gadarenes vs. Gerasenes with a good friend who does archaeology 
in the Holy Land. In the process he sent me a copy of Mendel Num's 
new pamphlet on _The Land of the Gadarenes_. Nun seems to think 
that the disciples' boat must have landed on the northeast Galilean 
shore (Kursi, land of the Gergesenes), and that Matthew's Gadarenes 
was a mistaken reference to the southeast shore, over which (he 
argues) the Gadarenes truly did have control.
My problem of course is that I see no way to reject 
Gadarenes/Gerasenes using good tc principles, so that the 
temptation is to assume there must have been a territory on the 
shore that was known as the land of the Gerasenes, which 
overlapped that of the Gadarenes. I should add that I hold to 
inerrancy, so I cannot accept Dalman's conclusions that the synoptic 
writers were mistaken. Does anyone have any thoughts about this 
particular problem, and about the more general problem of 
reconciling biblical archaeology/geography with textual criticism? I 
don't see how we could simply let current archaeological research 
dictate our choices for readings in relevant passages. (By the way, 
please forgive me if I happen to be covering some old ground.)

Don Wilkins
UC Riverside

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"kai hai adelphai sou" is omitted by a good range of Alexandrian, Byzantine
and Western (!) mss. in Mark 3:32.  It is found in a few mss of different
families (!).
So, would the participants of this forum describe this as a theological
omission, or a simple case of parablepsis? 

Jim

++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++
Jim West, ThD
Professor of Biblical Languages, CCBI
Petros TN 37845

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--Boundary-18441371-0-0

>hypothetical archetypes.  It therefore is not difficult to seek that 
>underlying "great archetype" which in fact _does_ equal the autograph. 
 
Is this true? "_does_ equal" doesn't mean 100% does it? 
 
j


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[long - part 2 of 2]

On Mon, 1 Apr 1996, James R. Adair wrote:

>Granting for the moment the assumption that text-type archetypes could be
>reconstructed (and I'm not sure that they can, except perhaps for the
>Byzantine, as Maurice said),

Clark and Colwell tried to reconstruct the Alexandrian archetype of
Mark, and gave up. The Western archetype is even more ephemeral.
However, I claimed only that _some_ form of primitive archetype could
be constructed for the leading texttypes.

Hort, following his own principles, claimed that "genealogy" would lead
us back to the archetype of the "neutral" text, which was that most
closely approaching the autograph.  Even though no one follows Hort's
patterns or method anymore, there is nothing wrong with the principle
of arguing back from the extant evidence to various primitive
archetypes and from there to the autograph -- there _had_ to be an
underlying text which gave rise to the extant data and their
hypothetical archetypes.  It therefore is not difficult to seek that
underlying "great archetype" which in fact _does_ equal the autograph.
As I said before, to do otherwise is "highly illogical, and
inconsistent with the data preserved to us in the extant witnesses."

Jimmy basically agrees on this point when he says:

>nothing I have said would prohibit the postulation of the archetype 
>that lay behind the text-type archetypes.

Yet he continues:

>However, it would only be a _postulate_, not a _certainty_, and it begs
>the question to say that it would of necessity be identical with the
>autograph.

I fail to see how the question is getting begged on this point.  The 
"non-certainty" principle still seems to dominate, but to what 
statistical degree?  Even from an eclectic standpoint, if all three
major texttypes are agreed, there should be a high degree of certainty
that such is the autograph text.  Even where two out of three texttypes
agree, most modern eclectics would consider that a presumption of
certainty.  To me it seems peculiar continually to postulate the
"uncertainty principle" when virtually all of the text found in all
witnesses is already 100% certain, except in those 10% of places where
variation occurs.  Even if I cannot guarantee or "prove" 100% certainty
as to the autograph text in a small number of variant units, this does
not mean that I must allow the uncertainty principle to dominate the
remainder of my text-critical theory or praxis, and continually to
leave the door open for suspicion of "primitive error" or conjecture.

>by their nature, conjectures are unscientific.
>That doesn't mean they're necessarily wrong, only that they rely on
>reasoned argument rather than extant textual data to make their case.

I concur that conjectures are unscientific. But if so, what place do 
they have within the _science_ of textual criticism?  (Metzger's answer 
was to proclaim textual criticism an "art" rather than a "science"; I 
thoroughly disagree).  

The "reasoned argument" approach of conjecture differs little from the 
rigorous eclectic methodology practiced by Kilpatrick and Elliot.  The 
latter, however, attempt first to seek out at least one witness to
support their conjecture before applying the identical "reasoned 
arguments."  Since most other eclectics (Epp's "reasoned eclectics" as 
opposed to the "rigorous eclectics") strongly oppose the method of 
Kilpatrick and Elliott, I would expect the same degree of opposition to 
conjectural emendation.

>I don't agree that every text-type can be reconstructed with 100%
>assurance, especially the Western text-type.

My position as well, including the Byzantine texttype (though to a
lesser degree of uncertainty than the Alexandrian or Western).

_Of course_ my conclusions are derived to a large extent from my
>presuppositions, as are Maurice's.  He has stated that one of his
>presuppositions is that the autographs were viewed with such high regard
>by their initial recipients that each was copied more than once (or the
>first copy was copied more than once).

This is plausible within my own theoretical outlook; however, any 
theological argument concerning "high regard" of those autographs as
either scripture or canonical, let alone inspired or inerrant is _not_
necessary to support my theory, and I do not advocate that as an 
essential postulate.

Allow merely that at _some_ point of time Christians or even
non-Christians considered the NT books worth perpetuating, and that at
such a time copies finally began to be copied more frequently.  My
theory still functions quite well in that scenario.

The fallacy in not assuming that (for whatever reason) the autograph
was not copied multiple times lies in the nature of scribal practice.
Unless one is prepared to assume that all single copies made from
single copies of the autograph remained error-free (which no one would
maintain), then it also is to be assumed that early errors in copies of
the autograph would continue to prevail in all or almost all MSS which
eventually descended from those single copies.

Scribally-intuitive correction might eliminate some of these errors,
but they would not eliminate most or even all of them; plus there would
be no diverging textual lines whereby cross-comparison and correction
would be able to function.

So, under the scenario of only single copies being made from the
autograph for some time, Jimmy's "primitive corruption" hypothesis
would presumably take form.  However, since in no case in the Greek NT
as we have it can any primitive corruption be demonstrated, wherein all
extant readings are totally nonsensical or misleading (including
Ac.16.12!), the presumption must be that the scribes somehow managed on
their own, without MS data, to eliminate all or almost all vestiges of
such primitive corruption.  This is highly unlikely, given the nature
of scribal textual transmission.

The alternative hypothesis is that there were in fact varying lines of
transmission which stemmed directly from the autograph which then
became the basis for cross-comparison and correction, whether used
frequently in the early "popular text" era or not.  Under the
scientific method, the best hypothesis remains that which requires the
least amount of postulates in order to be fulfilled.  In this case, the
easiest and most plausible solution is to see the autograph as the
source from which a number of copies were made, each of which were
themselves copied a varying number of times, eventually diversifying
into both the "uncontrolled popular text" MSS and the "local text" MSS
which we see emerging as texttypes by at least the end of the second
century.

>He has further indicated that one
>reason for thinking this is his "view of apostolic authority and the
>evangelistic intent of communication transcending the single recipients of
>the autograph MSS."  Fine.  I can see why he concludes that every reading
>of the autographs has been preserved.

I must again restate that my own view of canonicity, inerrancy,
inspiration, and apostolic authority does _not_ drive the theory.  The 
issue is historically- and not theologically-based, and the question is 
whether those living in the era of the autographs themselves considered 
the works sufficiently important (for whatever reasons) to perpetuate 
them, and then how to explain their perpetuation en masse in numerous 
copies.  Alternate scenarios, such as Jimmy's suggestion of only one 
copy being made from the autograph, and one copy from the copy, for a 
given period of time can certainly be suggested; but it still devolves 
down to which hypothetical scenario is more plausible, given the known 
facts of history, with the expansion of the church during the first 
three centuries and the known multiplication of scripture and its 
differentiation into "mixed texts" and texttypes within 150 years.  I 
suggest the extant data can most readily be explained by presuming 
multiple copying of the autograph.  That is all.  My own theological 
views do not affect this hypothesis of transmission; and even an 
atheistic scholar could come to the same conclusions, even if he did 
not believe the text thereby transmitted.

>I, however, am not as convinced that every NT autograph was so fortunate.
>We know that other early gospels existed, and many scholars think that
>other letters of Paul have been lost (e.g., Laodiceans, other letters to
>the Corinthians).  

These works did exist, but many were not perpetuated, or exist only in 
fragments such as the "Uncanonical Gospel" fragment P.Oxy.840.  Others, 
like the Shepherd of Hermas, which was quite popular in the early 
church, exist, but were not preserved and perpetuated as with the 
canonical NT literature.  Without getting back into the argument over 
canonicity, one still can argue that literature which was considered 
more theologically "significant" (or "canonical" or whatever) would be 
more likely to be perpetuated in large numbers than works which were 
not viewed in the same manner.

>This suggests to me that _some_ works that made it into
>the NT may not have been copied as early or as frequently as others, such
>as the gospels and the major Pauline letters.  

As Metzger noted, there are fewer MSS of the General Epistles and 
Revelation than other NT books.  Revelation especially, since it was 
not only "disputed", but also was never read in the Greek lections.
The smaller number of MSS of the General Epistles also reflect some 
dispute over their canonicity as well as limited lectionary use.  
Obviously the Gospels and Pauline Epistles predominated in usage and 
popularity.  This did not, however, result in the remaining NT books 
being excluded from ultimate canonicity.


>After all, the early
>Christians didn't have the luxury of knowing which books would ultimately
>be in the NT (this gets into the issue of the NT canon).  

For which see the handbooks, whether Metzger, Bruce, von Campenhausen, 
or Westcott.  I will abstain from discussing the general theory of this
aspect within a text-critical forum.

>Further evidence for this presumption is the sparsity of early
>mss of books like James and 2 Peter.  All this leads me to question
>whether the autographs of these books, or their immediate textual
>descendants, were copied more than once, or, if two or three copies were
>made, whether these lines of textual descent might not have completely died
>out without leaving a trace on the preserved ms tradition.  

I do not think the sparsity of evidence in the General Epistles or 
Revelation implies anything regarding the number of copies made from 
the autograph.  It does reflect the popularity or frequency of use made
of those NT books within the Orthodox Church (nascent or as ultimately
developed), and even the canonical disputes concerning such books; but 
I seriously doubt that any claim can be made as to how often such books 
were initially copied from the autograph.  That more than one copy was 
made from the autograph, I will maintain, since it is that scenario 
which best explains the extant data, diversified as it is into the 
various texttype alignments we currently possess.

>I'm not as certain as Maurice that all of the readings of
>the autographs have been preserved in the extant mss.  Maybe they have
>been, but I suspect that they haven't in every case.  At whichever
>conclusion the text critic arrives, presuppositions play a large role in
>his or her decision.

This is absolutely true.  My own presuppositions, however, stem from a 
working hypothesis of textual transmission and a reconstructed history 
of that transmission.  This is a major difference from the approach of 
the modern eclectic school, and explains why I see no need for 
conjecture or suspicion of "primitive error" while they (at least Jimmy 
and in Ac.16.12 the N27/UBS4 editors) do.

_________________________________________________________________________
Maurice A. Robinson, Ph.D.           Assoc. Prof./Greek and New Testament
Southeastern Baptist Theological Seminary     Wake Forest, North Carolina
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~


--Boundary-18441371-0-0--

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[Long again -- Part 1 of 2]

Ulrich Schmid wrote on 1 Apr 96:

>First, I have to apologize my late dealing with this subject again.
>It's due to some days of vacancies.

Myself also -- Easter break is upon us.

>On Sat, 23 Mar 1996, Maurice Robinson wrote:

[regarding the future tense in the Alexandrian MSS as opposed to the
subjunctive in the Byzantine MSS in Lk.12:58; most of Robinson's
discussion of Blass-Debrunner grammar sec. 369-370 omitted]

>> Bl-D. sec.370 note that MH "is combined in classical with the
>> subjunctive if the anxiety is directed towards warding off something
>> still dependent on the will, with the indicative of all tenses if 
>> directed toward something which has already taken place or is 
>> entirely independent of the will....(1)...This construction is 
>> evidently literary and  not a part of the vernacular."

>Since I do not know exactly which edition/translation of this tool of 
>reference you are referring to, Maurice, 

My edition is that published in English around 1970-72 or so.  I don't
have it with me so cannot give the reference. It may well have been
translated from an earlier German edition.

>(Ergaenzungsheft zu Blass-Debrunner, 12th edition, Goettingen 1970).
>Note, the reference to "the act of the will" is completaly abandonned,
>supposedly due to its inappropriatness.

The opinions of grammarians certainly can change, and different
editions will reflect those changing opinions.  Grammar after all is
not a set of hard and fast rules, but an attempt to analyze usage.
Since my citing of Bl.-Debr. was to offer some possible justification
for the reading of the Alexandrian text, which departs from the more
classical model reflected in the Byzantine text, it seems that if the
"will" distinction is abandoned, then there is even less ground to
prefer the Alexandrian reading.

>1) If, "within the context of Lk. 12:58, the act of will appears to be
>lacking in the final clauses", then the indicative tense and _not_ the
>Byzantine subjunctive ought to be judged as reflecting "the literary,
>if not the classical perspective".

Not at all.  The classical use of the subjunctive occurs "if the
anxiety is directed towards warding off something still dependent on
the will" say Bl.-Debr., but this strictly applies only to the initial
KATASURH _if_ settlement is not made with the adversary.  All further
clauses remain subjunctive under normal grammatical patterns, since
they remain dependent upon the initial condition not being fulfilled
(MHPOTE).  This is classical usage and the normal grammatical pattern
one encounters in the NT.  The case is clearly conditional, and
requires the normal use of the subjunctive throughout the clauses (like
the mathematical distributive law).

On the other hand, if Bl.-Debr. are correct, the indicative found in 
the Alexandrian text is used if the scribes considered the following 
clauses to have "already taken place or is entirely independent of the 
will," which latter the scribes theoretically could have reasoned to be
the case once once has been dragged before the magistrate and an
adverse decision handed down.  If the act of the will is not in view
(according to the other Bl.-Debr. edition), then there is less
justification to favor the indicative readings over the "normal" and
classical distributive subjunctive.

>2) If the Alexandrian scribes are so conscious with regard to the act
>of the will in Lk 12,58, what about the first verb KATASURH? And what
>about the indicative in Heb 3,12 where the subjunctive is so
>desperately required?

I really do not know what may have motivated a small group of scribes
in any given situation, so all here is speculation.  I do suspect that
the use of the indicative here by the Alexandrian MSS may reflect a
recensional mindset aligned in some way with the classical restorations
performed in Alexandria, which mindset may well focus on peculiar items
like the indicative vs. subjunctive situation.  There may also be a
reflection as to the way Greek grammar was practiced in Egypt as
opposed to elsewhere in the Roman world; also perhaps some influence
from Coptic grammatical structure.

The situation with KATASURH is normal under all circumstances since the
subjunctive required by MHPOTE would assume potentiality.  The only
question is whether "proper" grammarians or scribes would consider the
form of the latter clauses not to be controlled by the subjunctive of
KATASURH.  The Byzantine scribes may have followed "good grammar," but
I still maintain that, had the "peculiar" forms with the indicative
been original, they similarly would have preserved the indicatives
without question.  The points of grammar under discussion here are in
my opinion far too fine for the scribal fraternity to have concerned
themselves with in any large numbers.

Hebrews 3:12 of course is by a different author, and the question of
different style and grammar must come into question.  Here, however,
there are no variants (not even in von Soden or Tischendorf).  I
presume you are not going to assume "primitive error" and propose
conjectural emendation to the subjunctive because it is so "desperately
required"; so what then?  Here is the case in point: the Byzantine-era
scribes did NOT have a tendency to correct fine points of grammar like
this, not even to the smallest degree, since there are NO corrections
to the indicative ESTAI here.  Reasoning de majorem ad minorem, it thus
is more likely that in a situation like Lk.12.58, where the abnormal
reading appears in the minority text that the minority text is that
which is non-original and the Byzantine scribes, just as in Heb.3:12,
preserved the original text unaltered.

>3) Given the fact that in Lk 12,58 the "Byzantine reading reflects the
>literary, if not the classical perspective", what about the argument
>from lectio difficilior? I may refer to your case on 1.Cor 13,3, the
>so-called "future subjunctive" of the Byzantine tradition.

This is twisting the Bl.-Debr. comment around: the "literary" as
opposed to the "vernacular" regards those constructions such as are
found in the Alexandrian MSS of Lk.12.58, where a fine line is drawn
between matters dependent on the will and those not dependent on such.
The Byzantine text is the one which does NOT reflect the classical
perspective, but merely the normal vernacular which subsumes all
elements of a clause under the leading subjunctive. Am I being
misunderstood on this point?

[continued in part 2]

_________________________________________________________________________
Maurice A. Robinson, Ph.D.           Assoc. Prof./Greek and New Testament
Southeastern Baptist Theological Seminary     Wake Forest, North Carolina
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

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On April 4, Don Wilkins asked:

<snip>
>My problem of course is that I see no way to reject 
>Gadarenes/Gerasenes using good tc principles, so that the 
>temptation is to assume there must have been a territory on the 
>shore that was known as the land of the Gerasenes, which 
>overlapped that of the Gadarenes. I should add that I hold to 
>inerrancy, so I cannot accept Dalman's conclusions that the synoptic 
>writers were mistaken. Does anyone have any thoughts about this 
>particular problem, and about the more general problem of 
>reconciling biblical archaeology/geography with textual criticism? I 
>don't see how we could simply let current archaeological research 
>dictate our choices for readings in relevant passages.

Without getting into the various issues which you raise, which might direct
your selection in a certain direction, you might find an article by Tjitze
Baarda useful:  "Gadarenes, Gerasenes, Gergesenes and the 'Diatessaron'
Traditions".  It first appeared in _Neotestamentica et Semitica_ (FS Matthew
Black), edd. E. Ellis & M. Wilcox (Edinburgh:  T&T Clark, 1969), pp.
181-197;  it is reprinted in Baarda's own book of collected articles, titled
_Early Transmission of Words of Jesus.  Thomas, Tatian and the Text of the
New Testament_ (Amsterdam: VU Boekhandel/Uitgeverij, 1983), pp. 85-101.
Baarda is one of the preeminent textual critics at work today;  he is Dean
of Theology at the Free University in Amsterdam, and took his doctorate in
Semitic languages.

Petersen--Penn State University



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[Long again -- Part 2 of 2]

On 1 April 96, Ulrich Schmid wrote:

>On Wed, 31 Jan 1996, you wrote:

[regarding 1 Cor 13.3]

>> The bigger problem is that it not only is 'not good Greek' but it
>> blatantly appears to be erroneus by suggesting a non-existent
>> future subjunctive. I fail to see how scribes in the main would
>> simply allow such an anomalous reading to stand.

That above quote was not mine, but a portion from Carlton, I believe.
The further comments below need to be taken with that in mind.

>Here in 1.Cor 13,3 you pushed the argument from lectio difficilior so
>far that it results in suggesting an erroneus reading in the autograph
>in order to defend the authenticity of the Byzantine text.

If my own comments are carefully read vis-a-vis that discussion, I did
not claim the Byzantine KAUQHSWMAI reading was "erroneous" in any
degree.  Nor did I claim such was in fact a "future subjunctive,"
though I did note that a small handful of Byzantine scribes thought
there was a problem there and corrected it into a "normal" future
indicative (KAUQHSOMAI).

My point there was identical to my point in Heb.3.12 -- if scribes,
when faced with a peculiar or anomalous reading in their exemplars, did
NOT significantly alter the reading, when their supposed tendency was
to do so, such a reading has every presumptive right to be considered
original, even if today we cannot understand the reading from our own
lexical or grammatical ability to analyze.

The case of DEUTEROPRWTW in Lk.6:1 stands as another example of the
same situation -- a term which no one of us can interpret with
certainty, yet a term which gave only a small number of scribes any
difficulty. The lectio difficilior principle applies there as well as
in 1Cor.13.3 and Heb.3.12 (where there is no variation at all).

However, it is NOT legitimate to argue the lectio difficilior principle
in places where the variation is not widely supported and (especially,
as in the case of Lk.12.58) where phonetic/itacistic or transpositional
readings may well be argued as the nascent cause of such minority
readings.  

Griesbach's original canon of the lectio difficilior principle included
the assumption "all things being equal," and, were the MSS nearly
evenly divided over such readings, I would be the first to argue the
more difficult principle as a deciding factor.

When the more difficult reading is supported by a proportion of 9:1 or
greater, I have little hesitation in agreeing with the scribes; if the
more difficult reading is found in a small handful of MSS, I similarly
have little problem in rejecting it, as do most textual critics most of
the time, save when such appears in their favorite MSS or texttype.

>In Lk 12,58 on the other hand, you feel comfortable with a Byzantine
>reading that "reflects the literary, if not the classical perspective".
>For someone who does not a priori know which reading is "the original"
>it is not easy to follow your arguments.

Again this reverses my contention: I am comfortable with a reading
supported by nearly all MSS and scribes which reflects "normal" Koine
grammatical patterns, and see no need to adopt a reading which
(depending on the edition of Bl.-Debr. used) _may_ reflect a more
"classical" and literary approach as opposed to the usual vernacular.

I also do not claim to know a priori which reading is "the original";
my decision in favor of the Byzantine Textform came about only by a
long chain of theoretical analysis and hypothesizing, since I
previously was a dedicated partisan of the eclectic position.  The
pro-Byzantine position does not come about by fiat, but by means of
examining scribal habits and proclivities, analysis of the MS,
versional, and patristic data, and the reconstruction of a history of
textual transmission.  Any pro-Byzantine partisan who takes a simpler
route than this has not practiced text-critical research.

Since I have been within the eclectic fold, I also find it relatively
simple to understand the arguments from both sides.

>4) You wrote:

>I would further suggest, in light of certain MSS having altered the
>order of the text from SE PARADW into PARADW SE that this may well have
>given impetus for other scribes coming upon such in their exemplars to
>simply create PARADWSEI from that latter combination.

>I simply fail to see how one single minusule (1071, 12th century) can
>be referred to as "certain MSS". Note, versions and (Latin) fathers are
>usually no secure witnesses to alterations in word order of that
>limited effect.

I agree that word order in versions and non-Greek fathers is less 
relevant.  Nevertheless, the editors of the Lk IGNTP seemed to consider 
these readings indicative.  As for 1071, certainly I put little stock 
in readings of a single MS, especially a late one; but 1071 is often 
linked with the latin witnesses, and, when in combination with them, at
least allows a presumption regarding the displacement of words as an
impetus for phonetically-based alteration in a minority of MSS.

Of course, as you well know, transcriptional considerations do not
require MS evidence in their support, as witness Metzger's convoluted
defense of the omission of DEUTEROPRWTW in Lk.6.1 -- all of the
hypothetical intermediate transcriptional steps urged by Metzger are
wholly without manuscript support.  Q.E.D., my appeal to MS 1071 plus
the latin witnesses is even a more compelling argument.

>5) You wrote (quoting Robertson):

>"Both subj. and fut.ind. likewise occur in Mt 13:15 MH POTE IDWSIN --
>KAI IASOMAI" [Byz and Alex here agree].

>I'm afraid that your assertion in brackets is somehow ambiguous. Only
>the vast majority of von Sodens K 1 agrees here with Alex. K x is
>divided, 15 manuscripts out of 50, K r in total, and Chrysostomos give
>the subj. IASWMAI. 

True, all but one MS of the K1 group supports the Alex/Byz "majority"
reading.  The majority (35) of the Kx group supports the majority
reading, while a minority (15) does not (whether von Soden's 15:35
really means 15 out of 50, or something else remains unclear, since his
proportions of, e.g., 3:2 hardly refer to a total of only 5 MSS
examined). The Kr group is the only Byzantine sub-group which reads the
subjunctive in toto.  Chrysostom does likewise, of course.

I was assuming too much, and was talking in my own jargon when speaking
of "Alex" and "Byz".  My intention was that "Byz" = my own edition of
the Byzantine/Majority text (so too Hodges/Farstad); and "Alex" = the
UBS4/N27 text.  More precisely, I was only stating that the respective
Byzantine/Majority Text editions here _agree_ with the modern critical
editions (the TR reads IASWMAI).

I note also that the K1 group departs from the majority consensus in
reading EPISTREYOUSIN instead of EPISTREYWSIN; plus it has varied
support from other non-Byzantine witnesses.  Why should you not here
argue as in Lk.12.58 that this indicative likewise should be considered
"original" as opposed to the subjunctive?

>Even more interesting is the fact that Mt 13,15 is a
>quotation from Is 6,10 (the LXX MSS are divided too), and most
>interesting is the fact that this quotation is also given in John 12,40
>where 89 manuscripts out of 158 of von Sodens K x and K r in total, and
>also some K 1 manuscripts give the subj. IASWMAI (For the sake of
>completeness should be added that the subj. IASWMAI in Acts 28,27 is
>supported by von Sodens K c and K r). When checking your own edition I
>feel deeply in need of some explanation, for in Mt 13,15 and in Acts
>28,27 you give ind. IASOMAI, but in John 12,40 you give subj. IASWMAI.

Luke and John of course are different writers and may have different 
styles as regards the use of a subjunctive versus indicative following 
MHPOTE.  No requirement exists that either Luke or John reflect the 
consensus LXX text (which you note is itself divided), so that is no 
help.  However, there is no real clue to Johannine "style" on this 
matter in his gospel: the only other Johannine case of a -SOMAI or 
-SWMAI ending occurs in Jn.8:55 (ESOMAI), and there it is indicative 
(no instances of -SOMAI or -SWMAI occur in the Johannine Epistles).

In regard to my own edition in Jn.12:40 (also in Hodges/Farstad), we
will be the first to admit that this is a judgment call, and is highly
tentative.  The Byzantine manuscript evidence is obviously divided, far
more so than in Mt.13.15.  (At least I'm glad my edition made it to 
Munster *;-)

So why did we choose IASOMAI in Matt. and IASWMAI in John?  Merely
because the slight (89:69) balance of external evidence in John tips
toward IASWMAI within the Kx group.  There is _no_ other reason, and I
could as easily argue that IASOMAI might be the more likely reading in
John, based upon ESOMAI in 8:55.  However, since the author's "style"
cannot be judged from solitary examples, the slight imbalance in the Kx
evidence had to be the deciding factor.  On that particular reading,
our text may well be in error, but the extant evidence does not allow
any certain or final decision (Jimmy, please take note *;-).

Note also that the division between -W- and -O- in Jn.12:40, Mt.13.15,
and even Ac.28.27 is clearly itacistic, and not likely grammatical.  I
am not claiming that scribes in any of these places were making
grammatical changes any more than I would suggest the -O-/-W- variation
in the spelling of "Jason" in Ac.17:5,6,9 is due to any special scribal
concern with correct orthography (and the Hodges/Farstad text and my
own take opposite spellings in regard to Jason).

>6) To sum up from my viewpoint: I would strongly suggest that in Lk
>12,58 the subjunctives (PARADW, BALH) are assimilations in tense and
>mood to the first KATASURH. Together they "reflect the literary, if not
>the classical perspective", and therefor in this peculiar instance the
>Byzantine text has to be judged as secondary.

And I still maintain that the minority indicatives in the same passage
reflect either a transcriptional blunder or a deliberate stylistic 
decision to imitate a more strictly classical style or at least the 
Alexandrian equivalent of such.

_________________________________________________________________________
Maurice A. Robinson, Ph.D.           Assoc. Prof./Greek and New Testament
Southeastern Baptist Theological Seminary     Wake Forest, North Carolina
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

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please ignore my dumb question on my last post. I hit the wrong key. 
Unless of course you want to discuss it.  
 
 
jay kuhn 


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On Thu, 4 Apr 1996, William L. Petersen wrote:

> First, everyone should remember that both NA (all editions) and UBS (all
> editions) are merely _pocket editions_ . . . Its apparatus is, therefore,
> always utterly incomplete and inadequate for serious textual study of the
> NT. . . .  

> this example shows, once again, the necessity of NEVER ignoring von
> Soden, Tischendorf or the IGNT. . . . You will then be amazed how many times
> you realize, when using just these pocket editions:  "Oh, yes, but there are
> lots of other variants here, and much more MS/versional support for these
> readings.

Mr. Petersen is absolutely correct on these points.  I try to keep my 
Tischendorf and Von Soden with me as much as possible because of these 
factors.  

In regard to the John 9.38 reading, now that I know which one it was, I 
am still somewhat surprised that UBS4 would bother including it, since it 
is so obviously secondary, and reflects an "orthodox corruption" which 
harmonizes to a parallel passage, plus is so limited in its support.

> (2) the variant seems to be of interest from a textual point of view,
> for it echoes John 11.27 

The variant also echoes Jn.1:9, and it may have been that more familiar
passage which triggered the scribe to initiate the harmonization and to
leap ahead to the parallel in 11.27 (which may well have been known from
memory). 

> it is [also] found in MS (v.S.) Ir 1083, which,
> in Gregory numbers is MS 1187.  1187 is an XI cent. MS now in St. Catherines
> (Mt. Sinai);  Lectionary 253 is in St. Petersburg.  One wonders if, because
> of this distinctive link between the two and their origin in the same
> century, they are not privy to the same tradition, either textual or
> liturgical.  

I would not think this likely, but due to the nature of the phrase (being 
a confessional statement), it probably ended up in both MSS as the 
incorporation of a gloss from memory.  That any liturgical tradition 
seriously utilized this confession as part of the lection beyond the 
solitary lectionary cited and MS 1187 (which like most minuscules was 
probably rubricated for lectionary use) is not very likely, given the 
paucity of evidence.  I'll bet that in the churches which used those two 
MSS, however, the extended confessional statement was read regularly. *;-)


_________________________________________________________________________
Maurice A. Robinson, Ph.D.           Assoc. Prof./Greek and New Testament
Southeastern Baptist Theological Seminary     Wake Forest, North Carolina
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

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In a message dated 96-04-04 16:56:49 EST, you write:

>reconciling biblical archaeology/geography with textual criticism?


Why do the two need to be reconciled?


Jim 

+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++

Jim West, ThD
Professor of Biblical Languages, CCBI
Petros TN 37845

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HuldrychZ@aol.com wrote:
> 
> In a message dated 96-04-04 16:56:49 EST, you write:
> 
> >reconciling biblical archaeology/geography with textual criticism?
> 
> Why do the two need to be reconciled?
> 
> Jim
> 
> +++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++
> 
> Jim West, ThD
> Professor of Biblical Languages, CCBI
> Petros TN 37845

It of course depends on one's viewpoint whether there is any need 
for reconciliation. If one puts little faith in traditional (if I may use 
that term) textual criticism and, e.g., assumes that there is no 
reason to prefer one manuscript or text tradition over another, then 
archaeological/geographical evidence can be considered decisive. Or, 
if one agrees that the autographs can be mistaken about such 
geographical details, then contradictions are of no concern. I accept 
(by faith) the accuracy of the autographs and prefer the criteria of 
sound textual criticism (as stated by Metzger et al.) to the 
arguments of Burgon and Hodges, so I am left with a more difficult 
problem.

Don Wilkins
UC Riverside

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From: Maurice Robinson <mrobinsn@mercury.interpath.com>
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Subject: autographs versus archetypes
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Richard K. Moore wrote on 2 Apr 1996:

>What working hypothesis ought a textual critic have for any 'autograph'
>of a NT writing?  . . .   It would be surprising if there were
>absolutley no errors in any of the original compositions of the NT, and
>naturally, the possibility of error increases with the increase in
>length of a document.

The textual critic has to proceed under a double burden: the natural
process of composition and production of an "autograph" of any work,
and (in the case of the biblical books) the theological issue of divine
inspiration and whatever that may entail.  My intention is to keep 
those two issues separate in the praxis of textual criticism, even 
though I obviously have a faith presupposition regarding the autograph.

As I noted before, I do not desire to enter into a theological debate 
on inspiration and what it may or may not entail, for the simple reason 
that this will in no way help to restore an archetypical "autograph"
text.  The only point textual critics need to hold is that they are 
pressing toward a goal or restoring an "autograph," whether that be an 
inerrant and perfect composition, or whether that be whatever underlies 
the quest for "autograph authenticity," including a document which (as 
Mr. Moore suggests) may have had at least scribal errors in the 
original document.  For me, there is no problem whatever in pursuing 
the text-critical quest of the autograph without allowing the 
theological considerations to control the nature or appearance of what 
that autograph "must" look like.

>The view that the autographs themselves were completely free of
>(unintentional) errors is itself a faith statement.

Which usually is answered by the glib remark that no one has ever seen 
or restored the "errant autographs" either.  *;-)  I for one have never 
had a problem crop up in textual criticism which had to be resolved by 
appeal to the theological argument of inspiration or inerrancy.  The 
data speak well enough for themselves to allow autograph restoration 
with an extremely high degree of certainty.

_________________________________________________________________________
Maurice A. Robinson, Ph.D.           Assoc. Prof./Greek and New Testament
Southeastern Baptist Theological Seminary     Wake Forest, North Carolina
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~



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Timothy John Finney wrote on 2 Apr 1996:

>Zuntz points out in his _Disquisition on the Corpus Paulinum_ that every
>MS of Paul's letters is a collection. 

Zuntz was speaking of extensive papyri and not of fragments.  P10 is a 
clear example of a simple schoolboy practice scrawl on the back of a 
piece of secular papyrus, with no intent to complete even the 
book of Romans with which it begins.

>agreement that Paul's letters and Hebrews were in circulation as a
>collection by 100 AD.

This is now basically granted.

>When I mentioned archtype rather than autograph in my initial post, it
>was with this in mind. No one knows what happened between the original
>composition of these writings and their collection into one corpus, but
>here is a possible scenario (the usual arguments about dating etc. aside):

The historical transmission reconstruction is appreciated, even though 
I differ from it significantly.

>1) 55 - 70 AD Paul's letters and Hebrews written and sent (copies may have
>been made for other churches, especially where the letter was addressed
>to one but instructions were given for it to be read in others).

Certainly, though I and most conservatives will put the dates earlier, 
from about 49-64, presuming Pauline authenticity of the entire corpus 
(some however excluding Hebrews, which nevertheless circulated among 
that corpus).

>2) Some enterprising early believer, probably while being reprimanded for
>wasting time on trifles, decided to collect Paul's writings. Who was it?

Why could it not have been the churches themselves, exchanging
documents and slowly building up a corpus collection? Certainly 
Colossians was read across the river in Laodicea, as well as a lost 
Pauline letter (or Ephesians as some think) being read in Colossae.  
This situation would readily be repeated as churches which had Pauline 
contact would want to know what he had written to their sister 
churches.

>As others have pointed out, this would most practically have been
>achieved by writing to the various letters' custodian churches asking for
>copies (aside from letters already at hand).

Such would be the case, but once more there is no reason to suspect a 
single individual doing this any more than a given church writing to 
another church requesting a copy of what the apostle wrote.  
Economically, it would make more sense even in the era of papyrus for a 
church to make copies which it then could read or circulate to its 
parishoners, rather than for an individual to assemble such a 
collection.  Remember Tertullian's appeal in his Prescription against 
Heretics -- you are to go to the various churches to which the apostles 
themselves wrote, and from there to assemble the "authenticae litterae" 
in order to refute heretical corruption.  The evidence certainly seems 
to point to church archives as the basis for the Pauline corpus rather 
than individuals.

>3) Copies of letters not already at hand would be made (with varying
>accuracy, I dare say) and sent to the intrepid collector. This person
>then copied all of the letters into a single collection which is the
>archtype on which all subsequent copies of the Pauline collection are
>based. Where a copy of the collection was sent back to a church holding
>one of the originals, it could have been cross-checked.

I appreciate the implication that cross-checking against the autographs
could be made, though the "varying" degrees of "accuracy" in the
existing early copies would seem to suggest that this was not done on
any frequent or systematic basis.  

My main argument against the single-corpus = archetype scenario is
again transmissional: if errors existed in the corpus-archetype, why do
they not exist among the extant MSS in significant quantity,
transcending the various texttype limits?  Cross-comparison and
correction can only go far enough to restore the ultimate archetype
postulated, and if that archetype is not the actual autograph copy of a
work, then error held in common by all MSS of all texttypes should
result.  

I suspect that even the collected Pauline corpus was subject to
cross-comparison and correction from other freely circulating MSS which
were not part of such a corpus.  Only in this way would the initial
errors which may have affected the corpus-as-a-whole be eliminated
(unless one wanted to postulate a complete correction of the corpus
against the autograph of each of the individual letters, which I think
unlikely).

>Many implications spring from this possible scenario:

>1) The autographs are (at least) one copy distant from the archtype for all
>letters in the Pauline collection, except those that were already in the
>possession of the original collector.

Agreed that the autographs preceded the corpus archetype by 
at least one generation.  However, it remains debatable whether the 
corpus archetype is a single document as postulated, or whether there 
were _many_ corpus-archetypes, each reflecting a slightly different 
text of the collection as assembled and compared by various churches.  
I opt for the latter.

>2) Production of the archtype introduced another copying step.

The same holds for multiple "corpus archetypes."

>3) Nevertheless, the collection archetype could be compared with the
>autographs whenever a copy of the collection archtype was sent to a custodian
>of an autograph.

Possible, but I suspect unlikely, since I do not see the single corpus 
archetype being sent from church to church like a college yearbook to 
be autographed, nor do I see the various churches which each may have 
assembled their own "Pauline corpuses" circulating them in this manner, 
but instead simply using them within their own local church contexts. 
(This is still in the era of persecution and the uncontrolled popular 
text).

>4) These primary copying steps are a possible source of the primitive
>corruptions that have been discussed by Maurice Robinson and James Adair.

I'll let Jimmy handle that one, since I don't think we have any 
"primitive corruptions" which transcend all our extant evidence.

>Aspects of this theory may even be testable: if certain members of the
>collection have significantly less of what seem to be primitive
>corruptions than would be expected from the overall average then this may
>be due to those members having been copied less before incorporation into
>the archtype collection.

First problem: what are the "primitive corruptions" and how does one 
authoritatively recognize them?  You cannot test a hypothesis without a 
standard of comparison, and I doubt any two textual critics would agree 
on a list of primitive corruptions for even Romans, let alone the 
entire Pauline corpus.

The better way to test such a theory is genealogical, based upon 
collation data.  Evaluation of scribal tendencies must first be 
determined by examining singular readings (as did Colwell) on a 
manuscript-by-manuscript basis.  Following this, one needs to search 
for readings shared by only two, three, or even four MSS in order to
attempt a stemma for what appear to be closely-related MSS.  If, having
done all that, certain MSS appear to share readings in common with
great frequency, they are likely related.  

If shared errors begin to transcend all or nearly all MSS of the extant
tradition, one can then and only then presuppose descent from a common
archetype of the corpus or the autograph, whichever one might prefer.
My presumption is that the result of such a test will be no errors held
in the common degree necessary to postulate the intermediate archetype 
which stands between the autograph and the existing texttypes.

>(What a shame that there are no papyri which have
>the two letters to Timothy.)

There always is hope.
(I hope when such are discovered, their text will be Byzantine *;-)

>On a related matter, a couple of years ago I wrote a C program that
>simulates copying. It starts off with a row of zeroes, then introduces
>'variants' by incrementing zeroes at random with a certain (low)
>probability. There are parameters included which give the 'manuscripts'
>(i.e. rows of numbers) chances of dying of old age or by violent death.

>This is a funny program. Sometimes it seems to not work. That's because no
>copies get made because the autograph dies or is killed before it gets
>copied.

This is likely a flaw in the program based upon a faulty assumption.
If related to all documents ever written, secular, theological,
grocery lists, etc., then certainly the disappearance of the autograph
might well occur in the majority of instances.  For literary works,
however, this is not likely the case, and especially for theological
works, which intensifies with the issue of canonicity and authority
being assigned to those works.  Adjust the program to remove that
possibility, and I would be interested to see what might result.

>One outcome which I found interesting was that once a sample of the set of
>copies produced was taken, it was quite common (depending on the
>probabilities put into the program at the start) for a number besides zero
>(the original 'reading') to predominate at a particular 'variation unit'.

Did you have a parameter included which would allow for a regular or 
almost regular process of cross-comparison and correction to occur, 
including a proviso that when the exemplar differed from the second MS 
used for correction, a third copy might be sought out in at least 50% 
of the cases.  If you can reprogram with that scenario included, I 
again would be interested in the results.

>Modeling of early copying might produce some clues to help us in our
>attempt to reconstruct the development of the New Testament text. 

This principle is valid, which is why I urge you to rework your C 
program and input different parameters to see what other possibilities 
might arise.

>One phenomenon which happens in other populations is that conditions
>which adversely affect a first population but favour or don't affect a
>second, lead to a predomination of the varieties in the second
>population. On the face of it, this could explain why the Byzantine
>text became dominant after the Moslem conquest of Egypt. Whether or not
>the Egyptian or Byzantine variety is closest to the original is another
>question.

I don't think this will apply to the situation of the Moslem conquest
for reasons stated quite a while back.  Destruction of a local text
will not cause ramifications which overwhelm the dominant text, and
conversely, if the Alexandrian text were the dominant text, the Moslem
conquest would not overwhelm its continued promulgation in the
remainder of the Empire.  Removal of the influence of the Alexandrian
text elsewhere in the Empire MIGHT speed up the time necessary for the
dominance of the Byzantine Textform, but the process as a whole would
not be altered or adversely affected.

_________________________________________________________________________
Maurice A. Robinson, Ph.D.           Assoc. Prof./Greek and New Testament
Southeastern Baptist Theological Seminary     Wake Forest, North Carolina
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

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On Thu, 4 Apr 1996 HuldrychZ@aol.com wrote:

> "kai hai adelphai sou" is omitted by a good range of Alexandrian, Byzantine
> and Western (!) mss. in Mark 3:32.  It is found in a few mss of different
> families (!).

It is not included by a very broad range of witnesses from all texttypes. 
Its inclusion (UBS3) in 2 uncials, 9 minuscules, a divided old latin
community and a few lectionaries and minor versions does not exactly
commend itself, especially when one of the uncials which include it (A) is
a normally Byzantine entity which has departed from the fold.  The second
uncial (D) is a Western entity which reflects about half of the Western
tradition, but no more. 

One thing is certain: the longer reading cannot reflect harmonization to
the Matthean or Lukan parallels, since those parallels similarly omit the
mention of sisters, even within the same MSS which in Mark contain the sister
reference. 

> So, would the participants of this forum describe this as a theological
> omission, or a simple case of parablepsis? 

A presumptive case can indeed be made for omission of the clause "and your
sisters" by simple parablepsis aggravated by homoioteleuton. Indeed, were
the external evidence reversed, that is precisely how I would argue the
case.  However, since the vast majority of MSS (comprising the Byzantine,
Alexandrian, Caesarean and even Western texttypes) are the ones containing
the shorter text as opposed to the longer reading, I cannot use the
transcriptional argument here to suggest accidental omission. 

Since no parallels occur which include the words, deliberate copying from
a parallel passage is similarly ruled out.  I can only suggest the
possibility that the addition of this clause was made for balance, in
order to make the mention of sisters coincide with Jesus' later statement
in verse 35 which includes the mention of sisters.  This is "harmonization
to the immediate context" and likely explains why no similar addition
occurs among the MSS in the Matthean parallel, the addition being 
peculiar to Mark.  

That the uncials A and D as well as the 9 minuscules mentioned owe their
common reading here to one or more lost archetypes seems certain.  I
suspect that those archetypes stem from the old latin, and that this type
of reading is symptomatic of the "uncontrolled popular text" of the early 
centuries, which has left its sporadic traces through the centuries and 
has infected a small number of surviving MSS which are otherwise more 
normally Byzantine in character.

I note also that Mk's v.35 also concurs with the final statement in the
Matthean pericope, since both includes sisters.  Luke's closing statement,
on the other hand, has no mention of sisters, which agrees with his former
statement. I see no theological bias or other outside reason for the
deliberate addition of the clause in Mark; only a harmonization to the
immediate context. I do presume that the longer reading is secondary and
that the shorter reading in this situation is original; I doubt that many 
eclectic critics will argue otherwise.

_________________________________________________________________________
Maurice A. Robinson, Ph.D.           Assoc. Prof./Greek and New Testament
Southeastern Baptist Theological Seminary     Wake Forest, North Carolina
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~



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On Fri, 2 Apr 96, Ulrich Schmid wrote:

[first quoting Robinson:]

>> No other work of antiquity has such a wealth of support, and no
>> classical scholar would suggest that primitive error were likely
>> in such a situation.

>It is quite an other thing, to be sure, if one has to accept every
>single conjectural emendation, but it is simply a fact that most, if
>not all classical scholars never totally rule out the need for
>divinatio even in the New Testament.

Most classical scholars are not dabbling in NT matters; however, if any
would do so and still claim conjecture as a necessary principle, they are
carrying baggage left over from the usual paucity of documentary evidence
which prevails among the classics.  I still maintain that any responsible
classical editor, were he or she faced with an abundance of evidence for,
say, Euripides, which approached that of the NT, would suddenly shrink
back dramatically from any need for "divinatio". 

>I just may give an example from Patristic literature, the so-called
>'Dialog des Adamantius PERI THS EIS QEON ORQHS PISTEWS' (author
>unknown, composed between around 330 and 363 A.D.). The text is
>conserved in 10 manuscripts stemming from 12th to 16th centuries. They
>all go back to one single heavily corrupted archetype including
>corruptions of all sorts (nonsense readings, interchange of leaves,
>etc.). . . .
>We know that the corruption goes back at least
>to 40 to 70 years after the date of composition. Looking only at the
>textual transmission of the dialogue Rufin was in no different
>situation with respect to this peculiar reading than we are today. What
>makes the difference is that we know the dialogue's source.

This in itself is quite typical of the state of classical literature, and
already begs for emendation.  There is no parallel here to the NT
situation. Ten MSS versus 5000+, along with versions and fathers, make a
world of difference in regard to what praxis should be followed in
relation to the NT data. 

>Personally I would opt for extreme caution with
>respect to conjectural emendation.

So would all eclectic critics, and in practice (save for Ac.16.12 in the
current critical text) the consensus of even the eclectic critics is that
conjectural emendation has no legitimate _necessity_ in regard to the text
of the NT.  So why is this point being so strongly maintained?  Is there
some compelling reason why the "uncertainty principle" needs to be held,
even in light of the mass of evidence we possess? 

>On the other hand there
>is the very crucial point that the New Testament is not just one book,
>but in fact a _collection_ of books consisting of different
>_subcollections_. With respect to this problem conjectural emendation
>is never to be ruled out. 

The individual nature of the NT books is granted, but there is still no
need for conjecture even in the books with the least amount of MS support. 
This also seems to be the opinion of the UBS/Nestle editors, since they do
NOT adopt any conjectures into their main text of either the General Epp.
or Revelation.  The critical edition makes a conjecture but once, and that
in Acts. So again, why is there a necessity to argue for the legitimacy 
of conjecture in relation to the NT data?

>Because, what can be reconstructed as
>archetype of the textual transmission may not be identical with what
>was written down for example by Tertius (c.f. the doxology and the
>ending of Pauls letter to the Romans).

This depends upon the theory of the archetype, and whether it it is 
considered to equal the autograph.  

In the case of the doxology to Romans, I have no problem with placing that
doxology where it properly (and rhetorically) belongs, viz. at the end of
chapter 14; the epistle then properly (and rhetorically) ends with the
shorter doxology of 16.24 (which verse is omitted in the critical text due
to the obvious recensional activity which led to the relocation of the
doxology to that final location, Harry Gamble to the contrary). 

_________________________________________________________________________
Maurice A. Robinson, Ph.D.           Assoc. Prof./Greek and New Testament
Southeastern Baptist Theological Seminary     Wake Forest, North Carolina
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

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From: HuldrychZ@aol.com
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It seems to me that the long ending of Mark has been virtually abandoned by
text critics.  Are there any today who still believe it to be authentic?  (I
ask because I learned today that F.D.E. Schleiermacher accepted it as
authentic!!!).


Thanks,


Jim

++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++
Jim West, ThD
Professor of Biblical Languages, CCBI

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In an earlier posting it was mentioned that one should look at von Soden and
Tischendorf first, and then the "handbooks".  Are these still available
somewhere?  If so, where?


Thanks,

Jim

+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++

Jim West, ThD
Professor of Biblical Languages, CCBI

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On April 5, Jim West asked:

>In an earlier posting it was mentioned that one should look at von Soden and
>Tischendorf first, and then the "handbooks".  Are these still available
>somewhere?  If so, where?
>

The earlier post was mine.

>From your question, it is unclear if your "these" references von Soden and
Tischendorf, or the "pocket editions" (in German "Handausgaben";  this is
the expression I used, not "handbooks"...).  By "pocket editions," I meant
any of the editions of the NT which have abbreviated apparatuses:  this
would include all editions of Nestle-Aland, all the UBS editions, Souter,
Bover, Merk, etc., etc.  These all have wretchedly incomplete
apparatuses--understadably, however, because they are the "Reader's Digest"
version of the apparatus.

One should ALWAYS consult an "editio maior"--full/large edition--of the NT,
which has a full/complete apparatus (that is, as full or as complete as
is/was available at the time of publication;  NO edition gives ALL the
evidence, for it has not yet been assembled...).  The three most useful and
complete are:

1) C. von Tischendorf, _Novum Testamentum Graece_;  the 8th edition ("editio
octava critica maior") of 1894 is the best, with the fullest apparatus and
fewest printing errors.  The _Oxford Dictionary of the Christian Church_
describes it as "by reason of the abundance of its data a standard book of
reference for the text of the NT."

2) H.F. von Soden, __Die Schriften des Neuen Testaments in ihrer aeltesten
erreichbaren Textgestalt hergestellt auf Grund ihrer Textgeschichte_ (in two
part [three volumes]).  The dates of publication vary slightly, as the first
part went through two editions (the second in 1911);  the text, in part 2,
appeared in 1913.  Of it Metzger says, "The most monumental edition of the
Greek New Testament that has appeared thus far in the twentieth century is
von Soden's [title as above]...."

3) The three parts (in four volumes) of the _New Testament in Greek_,
published by the British and American committees of the International Greek
NT Project.  Vol. 1, _Nouum Testamentum Graece_, edited by SCE Legg (Oxford
1935), was followed by Legg's edition of Matthew (Oxford 1940).  The text of
Luke appeared in two volumes (Oxford 1984 and 1987).  On the Luke volumes,
you can see my review in the _Journal of Biblical Literature_ 107 (1988),
758-762.

All of these should be available in any serious (= major) university
library;  I have them all two feet behind me in my office--within arm's
reach.  All are OP (out of print), although Tischendorf's 8th was reprinted
in Graz (?) in 1972 or so.  All are described in any handbook (_sic_!) of
textual criticism:  Metzger, etc.

One additional note:  If one is REALLY serious, one should also always check
A. Juelicher's edition of the gospels in the Vetus Latina version (4
volumes), and one of the editions of the Old Syriac gospels (F.C. Burkitt's
is probably most useful, for it combines both Syr-s and Syr-c, and offers an
English translation--which is usually pretty accurate).  The reason for this
is three-fold:  (1) UBS4 dates the two MSS of the "Old Syriac" to the
"third/fourth century" (see p. 26*).  This would make Syr-s, the older of
these MSS, the OLDEST FULL TEXT OF THE GOSPELS, antedating both Vaticanus
(B) and Sinaiticus (alaph).  (2) Even Westcott (followed by Eberhard Nestle,
Alexander Souter, FC Burkitt, Voeoebus, etc.) admitted that the combination
of _k_ [afra from the Vetus Latina] and the Old Syriac offers a text which
is superior to that of alaph+B.  (The actual quotations are all presented in
my _Tatian's Diatessaron_ [1994], pp. 20-22;  the Westcott citation is from
the second edition of the Intro to Westcott & Hort's _NT in the original
Greek_ [1896], p. 328.)  (3) Most importantly, all of the "pocket editions"
cite these versions only occasionally, not consistently.  Therefore, one can
easily be misled about the true depth and breadth of evidence by assuming
that "since they cited _d_ and _a_ and the Old Syriac two verses ago, but
not in this verse, there must not be any evidence from these versions in
this verse..."  You will be surprised what you find if you look at the
actual editions of these versions.


N.B.:  The "e"s in Juelich- and Voeoebus are the German umlaut.

Petersen--Penn State University


From majordom  Fri Apr  5 22:23:40 1996
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Jim West wrote;
>It seems to me that the long ending of Mark has been virtually abandoned by
>text critics.  Are there any today who still believe it to be authentic?  (I
>ask because I learned today that F.D.E. Schleiermacher accepted it as
>authentic!!!).
>
W.R. Farmer of SMU several years back published an article arguing for the
authenticity of Mark 16:9-20.  It's obviously conflate nature fits well
with the contention that all of Mark is a conflation of Matthew and Luke.
I still consider the ending to have been constructed in the second century
before the time of Tatian.

Carlton L. Winbery
Prof. Religion
LA College, Pineville, La
winberyc@popalex1.linknet.net
winbery@andria.lacollege.edu



From majordom  Sat Apr  6 02:21:38 1996
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Date: Sat, 06 Apr 96 09:19:53 +0100
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Subject: Luke 12,58
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On Thu, 4 Apr 1996, Maurice Robinson wrote:

> (Ulrich Schmid wrote on 1 Apr 96)...

>> Given the fact, that in Lk 12,58 the "Byzantine reading reflects
>> the literary, if not the classical perspective what about the 
>> argument from lectio difficilior? I may refer to your case on
>> 1.Cor 13,3, the so-called "future subjunctive" of the Byzantine
>> tradition.

> This is twisting the Bl.-Debr. comment around: the "literary" as
> opposed to the "vernacular" regards those constructions such as
> are found in the Alexandrian MSS of Lk.12.58, where a fine line
> is drawn between matters dependent on the will and those not
> dependent on such. The Byzantine text is the one which does NOT
> reflect the classical perspective, but merely the normal
> vernacular which subsumes all elements of a clause under the
> leading subjunctive. Am I being misunderstood on this point?

I must confess that I am a little bit confused about this 
statement, because on Sat, 23 Mar 1996, Maurice Robinson wrote:

> The Byzantine reading reflects the literary, if not the classical
> perspective.

> The use of the fut.indic. in Lk.12:58 appears thus to be a late
> variant created within the Alexandrian texttype, and an
> alteration reflecting common vernacular rather than normal
> literary style. 

I was only quoting.

On Thu, 4 Apr 1996, Maurice Robinson further wrote:

> The classical use of the subjunctive occurs "if the
> anxiety is directed towards warding off something still dependent
> on the will" say Bl.-Debr., but this strictly applies only to the 
> initial KATASURH _if_ settlement is not made with the adversary. 
> All further clauses remain subjunctive under normal grammatical 
> patterns, since they remain dependent upon the initial condition
> not being fulfilled (MHPOTE).  This is classical usage and the
> normal grammatical pattern one encounters in the NT.  The case is
> clearly conditional, and requires the normal use of the 
> subjunctive throughout the clauses (like the mathematical
> distributive law).

Again, there seems to be some misunderstanding. Wihch side gives the classical 
usage, and which side the more common vernacular?

>From my point of view I may suggest how the misunderstanding 
possibly arose. Therefor, I would like to give the main outline 
of the arguments (to be shure, from my perspective) without quoting 
too much (additions, corrections, etc. are required).  

1) In my initial post I judged the subjunctives (PARADW, BALH) as 
assimilations to KATASURH in order to fit the classical pattern.   

2) Maurice agreed with respect to the classical pattern, but 
disagreed with respect to the secondary nature of the readings. He, 
on the other hand, provided a scenario mainly on grammatical 
grounds in order to explain the secondary nature of the Alex. 
future indicatives. Referring to Bl.-Deb. (< 11th ed.) he judged 
the Alex. readings as "reflecting common vernacular rather than 
normal literary style".

3) I in the main agree with the last sentence, though I dare to 
call the Alex. readings "common vernacular", simply because I do 
not no know exactly to what extend Bl.-Deb. (and Maurice) are using 
the terms "common vernacular". But, what I do know is the fact that 
these readings do _not_ reflect classical usage. And therefor, I 
judged them with respect to the lectio difficilior argument as 
secondary corrections in order to fit the classical pattern.    

4) I suspect that the lectio difficilior argument caused Maurice to 
rethink his initial claim, for now it is the "Byzantine 
text...which does NOT reflect the classical perspective, but merely 
the normal vernacular...". He achieved this twist by supposing that 
"the 'litterary' as opposed to the 'vernacular' regards those 
constructions such as are found in the Alexandrian MSS of Lk.12.58, 
where a fine line is drawn between matters dependent on the will 
and those not dependent on such". Again, this reasoning is 
dependent on Bl.-Deb. (< 11th ed.). But nevertheless, what was 
initially labled to be "common vernacular" (i.e. Alex. indicatives) 
has now turned out to be a grammatically sophisticated construction 
which "(depending on the edition of Bl.-Debr. used) _may_ reflect a 
more 'classical' and literary approach".

On this outline of the discussion from my perspective I would like 
to comment:

a) To my mind this last claim simply implies too much sophitication 
on the Alexandrian side. With this example in mind the overall 
agreed reading in Heb 3,12 makes from an Alexandrian mindset no 
sense at all. Note in Lk 12,58, where after MHPOTE there are three 
finite verbs, the Alexandrians drew "a fine line" between the first 
and the two others, and in Heb 3,12, where there is only one finite verb, they 
simply failed to realize the notion of will so plainly stated. 

b) The whole situation becomes even more puzzling if I may take 
into account what Maurice further wrote:

> I really do not know what may have motivated a small group of
> scribes in any given situation, so all here is speculation.  
> I do suspect that the use of the indicative here by the
> Alexandrian MSS may reflect a recensional mindset aligned in some
> way with the classical restorations performed in Alexandria,
> which mindset may well focus on peculiar items like the
> indicative vs. subjunctive situation. There may also be a
> reflection as to the way Greek grammar was practiced in Egypt as
> opposed to elsewhere in the Roman world; also perhaps some
> influence from Coptic grammatical structure.  

These are truely speculations, and, again, they portray the 
Alexandrians with respect to the "indicative vs. subjunctive 
situation" as partly hypersophisticated and partly foolish (c.f. Heb 3,12).

c) So I may leave speculation aside and return to the facts:
Final MH(POTE) is usually connected with (mainly aorist) subjunctive. This can 
be called the normal, or "classical" pattern. On the other hand we have 
undisputed evidence of some readings in the New Testament, which certainly do 
_not_ reflect "classical" usage with respect to the grammatical features under 
discussion. Maurice already mentioned two of them, Mk 14,2 (though note, some 
later minuscules "correct" the fut.ind. to aor.subj.) and Heb 3,12. It is 
precisely from this point of view that the argument from lectio difficilior 
becomes valid. Because it is much more likely to assume that in the line of 
transmission the more _unlitterary_ features are prone to "correction" than the 
other way round. Note, this is only a rule of thumb, but to my mind it fits 
perfectly well to the data involved in this discussion (cf. Mt 7,6; 13,15; Mk 
14,2; Lk 12,58; John 12,40; Act 28,27; Heb 3,12). The evidence I reviewed up to 
now points to only one conclusion: The later textual transmission (incl. Byz.) 
gives a higher proportion of classical usage, with respect to the grammatical 
features under discussion, than the other witnesses. A preliminary glance at the 
INA clauses seems to point in the same direction.

d) To hopefully avoid some misconception I should add that I don't 
want to even the data. I shurely will not blame the Byzantine 
scribes for not having "corrected" all the indicatives, nor do I 
wish to propose conjectural emendation where a subjunctive might be 
"desperatly required". (This I stated with referrence to Heb 3,12 
only because I commented on Maurice introducing the notion of will. 
I think, the overall agreed future indicative in Heb 3,12 confirms 
my suggestion that the notion of will is not at work when 
speculating on reasons for scribes altering the text.) 

I just wished to have as many data as possible from as many manuscripts as 
possible to assess grammatical features like that in order to get a 
comprehensive picture of shifts in a _historical_ perspective. The data which 
are up to now under discussion are in favour of my position: The later textual 
transmission (incl. Byz.) gives a higher proportion of classical usage, with 
respect to the 
grammatical features under discussion, than the other witnesses. 
Note, I am open to change my mind, but not on the ground of 
speculations like the above mentioned.

Ulrich Schmid, Muenster






From majordom  Sat Apr  6 06:31:27 1996
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Date: Sat, 06 Apr 96 13:29:44 +0100
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Subject: Luke 12,58
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[Long message -- Part 2 of 2]

>From my point of view I may suggest how the misunderstanding 
possibly arose. Therefor, I would like to give the main outline 
of the arguments (to be shure, from my perspective) without quoting 
too much (additions, corrections, etc. are required).  

1) In my initial post I judged the subjunctives (PARADW, BALH) as 
assimilations to KATASURH in order to fit the classical pattern.   

2) Maurice agreed with respect to the classical pattern, but 
disagreed with respect to the secondary nature of the readings. He, 
on the other hand, provided a scenario mainly on grammatical 
grounds in order to explain the secondary nature of the Alex. 
future indicatives. Referring to Bl.-Deb. (< 11th ed.) he judged 
the Alex. readings as "reflecting common vernacular rather than 
normal literary style".

3) I in the main agree with the last sentence, though I dare to 
call the Alex. readings "common vernacular", simply because I do 
not no know exactly to what extend Bl.-Deb. (and Maurice) are using 
the terms "common vernacular". But, what I do know is the fact that 
these readings do _not_ reflect classical usage. And therefor, I 
judged them with respect to the lectio difficilior argument as 
secondary corrections in order to fit the classical pattern.    

4) I suspect that the lectio difficilior argument caused Maurice to 
rethink his initial claim, for now it is the "Byzantine 
text...which does NOT reflect the classical perspective, but merely 
the normal vernacular...". He achieved this twist by supposing that 
"the 'litterary' as opposed to the 'vernacular' regards those 
constructions such as are found in the Alexandrian MSS of Lk.12.58, 
where a fine line is drawn between matters dependent on the will 
and those not dependent on such". Again, this reasoning is 
dependent on Bl.-Deb. (< 11th ed.). But nevertheless, what was 
initially labled to be "common vernacular" (i.e. Alex. indicatives) 
has now turned out to be a grammatically sophisticated construction 
which "(depending on the edition of Bl.-Debr. used) _may_ reflect a 
more 'classical' and literary approach".

On this outline of the discussion from my perspective I would like 
to comment:

a) To my mind this last claim simply implies too much sophitication 
on the Alexandrian side. With this example in mind the overall 
agreed reading in Heb 3,12 makes from an Alexandrian mindset no 
sense at all. Note in Lk 12,58, where after MHPOTE there are three 
finite verbs, the Alexandrians drew "a fine line" between the first 
and the two others, and in Heb 3,12, where there is only one finite verb, they 
simply failed to realize the notion of will so plainly stated. 

b) The whole situation becomes even more puzzling if I may take 
into account what Maurice further wrote:

> I really do not know what may have motivated a small group of
> scribes in any given situation, so all here is speculation.  
> I do suspect that the use of the indicative here by the
> Alexandrian MSS may reflect a recensional mindset aligned in some
> way with the classical restorations performed in Alexandria,
> which mindset may well focus on peculiar items like the
> indicative vs. subjunctive situation. There may also be a
> reflection as to the way Greek grammar was practiced in Egypt as
> opposed to elsewhere in the Roman world; also perhaps some
> influence from Coptic grammatical structure.  

These are truely speculations, and, again, they portray the 
Alexandrians with respect to the "indicative vs. subjunctive 
situation" as partly hypersophisticated and partly foolish (c.f. Heb 3,12).

c) So I may leave speculation aside and return to the facts:
Final MH(POTE) is usually connected with (mainly aorist) subjunctive. This can 
be called the normal, or "classical" pattern. On the other hand we have 
undisputed evidence of some readings in the New Testament, which certainly do 
_not_ reflect "classical" usage with respect to the grammatical features under 
discussion. Maurice already mentioned two of them, Mk 14,2 (though note, some 
later minuscules "correct" the fut.ind. to aor.subj.) and Heb 3,12. It is 
precisely from this point of view that the argument from lectio difficilior 
becomes valid. Because it is much more likely to assume that in the line of 
transmission the more _unlitterary_ features are prone to "correction" than the 
other way round. Note, this is only a rule of thumb, but to my mind it fits 
perfectly well to the data involved in this discussion (cf. Mt 7,6; 13,15; Mk 
14,2; Lk 12,58; John 12,40; Act 28,27; Heb 3,12). The evidence I reviewed up to 
now points to only one conclusion: The later textual transmission (incl. Byz.) 
gives a higher proportion of classical usage, with respect to the grammatical 
features under discussion, than the other witnesses. A preliminary glance at the 
INA clauses seems to point in the same direction.

d) To hopefully avoid some misconception I should add that I don't 
want to even the data. I shurely will not blame the Byzantine 
scribes for not having "corrected" all the indicatives, nor do I 
wish to propose conjectural emendation where a subjunctive might be 
"desperatly required". (This I stated with referrence to Heb 3,12 
only because I commented on Maurice introducing the notion of will. 
I think, the overall agreed future indicative in Heb 3,12 confirms 
my suggestion that the notion of will is not at work when 
speculating on reasons for scribes altering the text.) 

I just wished to have as many data as possible from as many manuscripts as 
possible to assess grammatical features like that in order to get a 
comprehensive picture of shifts in a _historical_ perspective. The data which 
are up to now under discussion are in favour of my position: The later textual 
transmission (incl. Byz.) gives a higher proportion of classical usage, with 
respect to the 
grammatical features under discussion, than the other witnesses. 
Note, I am open to change my mind, but not on the ground of 
speculations like the above mentioned.

Ulrich Schmid, Muenster



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On Fri, 5 Arr 1996, Maurice Robinson wrote:

[first quoting Schmid:]

>>I just may give an example from Patristic literature, the 
>>so-called 'Dialog des Adamantius PERI THS EIS QEON ORQHS PISTEWS' 
>>(author unknown, composed between around 330 and 363 A.D.). The 
>>text is
>>>conserved in 10 manuscripts stemming from 12th to 16th 
>>centuries. They
>>all go back to one single heavily corrupted archetype including
>>corruptions of all sorts (nonsense readings, interchange of 
>>leaves,
>>etc.). . . .
>>We know that the corruption goes back at least
>>to 40 to 70 years after the date of composition. Looking only at 
>>the
>>textual transmission of the dialogue Rufin was in no different
>>situation with respect to this peculiar reading than we are 
>>today. What
>>makes the difference is that we know the dialogue's source.

>This in itself is quite typical of the state of classical 
>literature, and
>already begs for emendation.  There is no parallel here to the NT
>situation. Ten MSS versus 5000+, along with versions and fathers, 
>make a world of difference in regard to what praxis should be 
>followed in relation to the NT data.

May be I should have stated the parallel more clearly. In New 
Testament textual transmission there is only one manuscript which 
is near the mark "40 to 70 years after the date of composition" of 
the New Testament writing that it testifies to, the famous P52. 
This manuscript consists in its actual state of less then a quarter 
of a single papyrus sheet. On the other hand, the textual 
transmission of the dialogue, allthough going back to 40 to 70 
years after the date of composition, already contained a fair 
number of textual corruptions. The restoration of the original 
reading of at least one of these corruptions would have been 
virtually impossible, if we did not have access to the dialogues's 
source. 

I mentioned this example only to illustrate the possibility of 
scribal error creeping in textual transmissions at a very early 
stage, and _not_ being removable within the textual transmission 
itself. 

Personally, I can not see what the constant appeal to the "wealth 
of support" really meens, if _only_  to indicate that the sheer 
amount of data involved can be seen as the greatest challange to 
editorial enterprise ever to be found on this planet. Precisely 
therefor, I would opt for extreme caution with respect to 
conjectural emendation. I may refer to Hort's famous statement: 
KNOWLEDGE OF DOCUMENTS SHOULD PRECEDE FINAL JUDGMENT UPON READINGS. 
But, looking from a theoretical perspective on the amount of data, 
there is nothing within this situation that can completely rule out 
conjectural emendation. 

To assess the "wealth of support" notion from a slightly different 
angle I may refer to what Maurice Robinson wrote on Wed, 20 Mar 
1996:

[first quoting Klaus Wachtel:]

>>What about the Byzantine omissions in 1Jn 2,23 and 3,1, then?

> Without going into a very extended discussion here, I would
> suggest that at the time of the switch from uncial to minuscule
> (9th-10th centuries) certain key MSS were selected as archetypes
> for the primary minuscule copies. In the case of 1John, the key
> MS which was selected apparently had omitted the clauses in
> question by homoioteleuton, and the later MSS which were copied
> therefrom followed suit in the omission.

> If the minuscule archetype were copied in sufficient quantity
> during the very initial period of minuscule distribution, the
> _omission_ of those two readings would dominate and (through the
> cross-correction process) would eliminate whatever vestiges
> remained of the longer reading which had previously dominated
> transmissional history before the radical change of script.

> I.e., the cross-comparison and correcting process would work
> normally, but the minuscule would form a new "archetype" which
> would dominate the tradition from that point...

> This does not invalidate the former hypothesis, but in fact
> confirms it, given that a "new" archetype situation has come into
> existence.

A "'new' archetype situation" in fact makes our work much 
easier. Because, once an archetype, or hyparchetype situation is 
settled the whole bulk of MSS belonging to that part of the 
transmission can be subsumed under one, or at least very few MS(S). 
MSS belonging to an archetype, or hyparchetype are by defintion no 
independent witnesses. They usually only testify to the textual 
transmission that started with the archetype, or hyparchetype. If 
in the archetype, or hyparchetype corruption occured in some 
instances then the bulk of dependent MSS normally would faithfully 
render the corruption (especially homoioteleuton like stuff).

I am not particulary unhappy to get the opportunity with respect to 
1John 2,23, and 3,1 to reduce the amount of data in the Catholic 
Epistles due to the "'new' archetype situation", though I would 
rather call it a new _hyparchetype_ situation. I may give the data 
as follows (c.f. _Text und Textwert der griechischen Handschriften des Neuen 
Testaments, I. Die Katholischen Briefe, Bd.1: Das Material [ed. K. Aland], 
DeGruyter: 1987_ l.c.)
a) In 1John 2,23 a total of 402 MSS give the homoioteleuton 
corruption (= h.c.), whereas a total of 115 MSS lack the h.c. 
b) In 1John 3,1 a total of 426 MSS give the h.c., whereas a total 
of 78 MSS lack the h.c.

To conclude from these data I may state that around 75 per cent of 
the MSS can be subsumed under just one, or only very few leading 
MS(S). This reduces the amount of data tremendously, and we are 
left with around 25 per cent of the MSS which is still a lot but 
not threatening at all.

Ulrich Schmid, Muenster

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Date: Sat, 06 Apr 96 13:25:42 +0100
From: schmiul@uni-muenster.de
Subject: Luke 12,58
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Due to some mail delivery subsystem complain I may divide my last message. I 
never thought that this would happen. Sorry, but I am a real beginner in the 
e-mail world.

(Long message -- Part 1 of 2)

On Thu, 4 Apr 1996, Maurice Robinson wrote:

> (Ulrich Schmid wrote on 1 Apr 96)...

>> Given the fact, that in Lk 12,58 the "Byzantine reading reflects
>> the literary, if not the classical perspective what about the 
>> argument from lectio difficilior? I may refer to your case on
>> 1.Cor 13,3, the so-called "future subjunctive" of the Byzantine
>> tradition.

> This is twisting the Bl.-Debr. comment around: the "literary" as
> opposed to the "vernacular" regards those constructions such as
> are found in the Alexandrian MSS of Lk.12.58, where a fine line
> is drawn between matters dependent on the will and those not
> dependent on such. The Byzantine text is the one which does NOT
> reflect the classical perspective, but merely the normal
> vernacular which subsumes all elements of a clause under the
> leading subjunctive. Am I being misunderstood on this point?

I must confess that I am a little bit confused about this 
statement, because on Sat, 23 Mar 1996, Maurice Robinson wrote:

> The Byzantine reading reflects the literary, if not the classical
> perspective.

> The use of the fut.indic. in Lk.12:58 appears thus to be a late
> variant created within the Alexandrian texttype, and an
> alteration reflecting common vernacular rather than normal
> literary style. 

I was only quoting.

On Thu, 4 Apr 1996, Maurice Robinson further wrote:

> The classical use of the subjunctive occurs "if the
> anxiety is directed towards warding off something still dependent
> on the will" say Bl.-Debr., but this strictly applies only to the 
> initial KATASURH _if_ settlement is not made with the adversary. 
> All further clauses remain subjunctive under normal grammatical 
> patterns, since they remain dependent upon the initial condition
> not being fulfilled (MHPOTE).  This is classical usage and the
> normal grammatical pattern one encounters in the NT.  The case is
> clearly conditional, and requires the normal use of the 
> subjunctive throughout the clauses (like the mathematical
> distributive law).

Again, there seems to be some misunderstanding. Wihch side gives the classical 
usage, and which side the more common vernacular?

[continued in Part 2]

Ulrich Schmid, Muenster




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From: Maurice Robinson <mrobinsn@mercury.interpath.com>
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On Fri, 5 Apr 1996 HuldrychZ@aol.com wrote:

> It seems to me that the long ending of Mark has been virtually abandoned by
> text critics.  Are there any today who still believe it to be authentic?  (I
> ask because I learned today that F.D.E. Schleiermacher accepted it as
> authentic!!!).

Those who favor the Byzantine Textform fully support the long ending of
Mark, and will follow the reading found among approximately 2000
continuous text Greek MSS, which reflects _all_ known texttypes as opposed
to the joint reading of _only_ Aleph, B, and the 12th century MS 304 among
Greek MS witnesses. 

William Farmer also considers the longer reading to be authentic, even
though he does not favor Markan authorship for the passage.  Most
eclectics will also likely choose to include the passage, albeit in
brackets. I suspect those who consider the true ending of Mark to actually
occur at 16:8 will be in the minority among scholars today.  

Many eclectics will espouse a "lost" original ending which has been
supplemented by either the longer or shorter ending, though in view of
merely three MSS which happen to omit the long ending plus a few more
which contain it with obeli, I suspect (as Colwell stated) the dead hand
of Hort still weighs heavily upon modern eclectics.  

Were Aleph and B not imbued with such decisive authority, more attention
might be paid to the fact that sy-c contained the longer ending, even when
sy-s did not, and both those texts antedate Aleph and B. 


_________________________________________________________________________
Maurice A. Robinson, Ph.D.           Assoc. Prof./Greek and New Testament
Southeastern Baptist Theological Seminary     Wake Forest, North Carolina
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~





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On Sat, 6 Apr 1996 schmiul@uni-muenster.de wrote:

> On Thu, 4 Apr 1996, Maurice Robinson wrote:

>> leading subjunctive. Am I being misunderstood on this point?
 
> I must confess that I am a little bit confused about this 
> statement, because on Sat, 23 Mar 1996, Maurice Robinson wrote:
 
>> The Byzantine reading reflects the literary, if not the classical
>> perspective.

Oops!...If I wrote that, it was a "lapsus manus", and I must have typed
"Byzantine"  instead of "Alexandrian"; I confess scribal error in that
case (or maybe I became totally confused and discombobulated).  Please
correct any assumptions based upon this error. 

My position _should_ have stated that, following what I read in Bl.-D., it
was the _Alexandrian_ text which followed the literary perspective, while
the Byzantine followed the normal "popular" or "normally grammatical"
framework. 

>> All further clauses remain subjunctive under normal grammatical 
>> patterns, since they remain dependent upon the initial condition
>> not being fulfilled (MHPOTE).  This is classical usage and the
>> normal grammatical pattern one encounters in the NT.  The case is
>> clearly conditional, and requires the normal use of the 
>> subjunctive throughout the clauses (like the mathematical
>> distributive law).
 
> Again, there seems to be some misunderstanding. Wihch side gives the classical 
> usage, and which side the more common vernacular?

I intend to state that the Koine of the Byztxt gives the "normal" 
classical usage, in which all verbs subsumed under a subjunctive clause
remain subjunctive; this is also the "popular" usage.  The switch to
non-subjunctive verbal forms in the clause would reflect the "literary
classical" form as opposed to either the "normal" or "popular" form.  I
suspect that the error noted above or my own confused writing has caused
all this confusion;  please adjust accordingly *;-)

Let me help reconstruct the scenario also:

> 1) In my initial post I judged the subjunctives (PARADW, BALH) as 
> assimilations to KATASURH in order to fit the classical pattern.   
> 
> 2) Maurice agreed with respect to the classical pattern, but 
> disagreed with respect to the secondary nature of the readings. He, 
> on the other hand, provided a scenario mainly on grammatical 
> grounds in order to explain the secondary nature of the Alex. 
> future indicatives. Referring to Bl.-Deb. (< 11th ed.) he judged 
> the Alex. readings as "reflecting common vernacular rather than 
> normal literary style".

This is the opposite of what I intended. The Alex readings would reflect
the peculiar "literary style" rather than what would normally appear in
popular Koine or in normal classical style. 

> 3) I in the main agree with the last sentence, though I dare to 
> call the Alex. readings "common vernacular", simply because I do 
> not no know exactly to what extend Bl.-Deb. (and Maurice) are using 
> the terms "common vernacular". But, what I do know is the fact that 
> these readings do _not_ reflect classical usage. And therefor, I 
> judged them with respect to the lectio difficilior argument as 
> secondary corrections in order to fit the classical pattern.    

I agree that these readings do not reflect "normal" classical usage, but
only the ephemeral "literary" usage suggested by Bl.-D.  If Bl.-D. have
later abandoned their suggestion on this point, then the variant unit
devolves into transcriptional rather than grammatical issues (which is
where I suspect it belongs in the first place). 

> 4) I suspect that the lectio difficilior argument caused Maurice to 
> rethink his initial claim, for now it is the "Byzantine 
> text...which does NOT reflect the classical perspective, but merely 
> the normal vernacular...". 

Correction again, the Byz reflects the "normal vernacular" which also
coincides with the normal "classical" approach, but not with the
artificial "literary" approach.  I am not intending to twist the matters,
but I believe this stems from an initial misunderstanding of what I
intended as I cited Bl.-D., plus the error of reading "Byzantine" when it
should have been "Alexandrian." I again apologize for the confusion.  Did
I write that at 3AM?!  I think that even _I_ have to go back and re-read
my own posts! *;-)

> On this outline of the discussion from my perspective I would like 
> to comment:
 
> a) To my mind this last claim simply implies too much sophitication 
> on the Alexandrian side. 

I actually consider the Alexandrian text to exhibit numerous cases of
stylistic sophistication which are not present in the Byzantine text. I
would suggest the likelihood of an Alexandrian local-text recension
(contra Fee) which proceeded more on literary than upon vernacular
grounds, and which also may have been affected by Coptic grammatical
influences. 

> With this example in mind the overall 
> agreed reading in Heb 3,12 makes from an Alexandrian mindset no 
> sense at all. 

Nor from a Byzantine mindset. So why did not one scribe alter the text 
there to a subjunctive?  Simply because the text was held to be 
acceptable, for whatever reasons (grammatical, theological, etc.).  If 
that reading simply "cried out" for a subjunctive, some scribe at least 
should have made the alteration.  Maybe a "primitive error" exists? *;-)

> Note in Lk 12,58, where after MHPOTE there are three 
> finite verbs, the Alexandrians drew "a fine line" between the first 
> and the two others, and in Heb 3,12, where there is only one finite verb, 
> they simply failed to realize the notion of will so plainly stated. 

This is again supposing that Bl.-D. are correct on the notion of will 
being involved.  I do not think the "fine line" distinction in Lk can 
hold, since the initial subjunctive remained such in Lk -- in Heb, what 
should have been the initial subjunctive simply wasn't, and even the 
Alexandrian scribes should have thought such peculiar; yet no attempts to 
correct the "problem."  I suspect we know far less about how scribes 
perceived points of grammar than we think.

> > Alexandrian MSS may reflect a recensional mindset aligned in some
> > way with the classical restorations performed in Alexandria,
> > which mindset may well focus on peculiar items like the
> > indicative vs. subjunctive situation. There may also be a
> > reflection as to the way Greek grammar was practiced in Egypt as
> > opposed to elsewhere in the Roman world; also perhaps some
> > influence from Coptic grammatical structure.  
 
> These are truely speculations, and, again, they portray the 
> Alexandrians with respect to the "indicative vs. subjunctive 
> situation" as partly hypersophisticated and partly foolish (c.f. Heb 3,12).

I do not see it that way at all.  Most recensional activity would be 
practices on the gospels.  The disputed nature of the book of Hebrews may 
have called for less activity.  However, my claim in regard to Heb.3.12 
is that such _is_ "grammatical", and obviously, since it caused no 
problems to scribes of _any_ textual tradition, we have to rethink some 
of our notions on NT Greek grammar.  In Lk.12.58 on the other hand, if 
transcriptional reasons alone do not account for the alterations (which I 
think primarily the case), then there well may have been some fine points 
of literary style which may have influenced the change.  I only bring up 
the grammatical possibilities in an attempt to possibly explain the 
reason for alteration, even though I consider transcriptional cause primary.
 
> c) So I may leave speculation aside and return to the facts:
> Final MH(POTE) is usually connected with (mainly aorist) subjunctive. This can 
> be called the normal, or "classical" pattern. 

The issue is not with the normal use of a subjunctive following MHPOTE,
but whether all remaining verbs in a subjunctive clause will remain 
subjunctive as well. 

> On the other hand we have 
> undisputed evidence of some readings in the New Testament, which certainly do 
> _not_ reflect "classical" usage with respect to the grammatical features under 
> discussion. Maurice already mentioned two of them, Mk 14,2 (though note, some 
> later minuscules "correct" the fut.ind. to aor.subj.) and Heb 3,12. 

Once more, I do not consider either Mk.14.2 or Heb.3.12 as ungrammatical
or as not reflecting classical usage.  The scribes themselves did not so
consider, and it is erroneous for us to make those specific cases using
the irregular verb "to be" as normative for what will take place in every
case where MHPOTE appears.  I brought up those two cases only to
demonstrate that, even in the Byzantine text of the NT, there is no
scribal proclivity to alter indicatives following MHPOTE into
subjunctives, which is what Ulrich claimed occurred in Lk.12.58. 

> It is 
> precisely from this point of view that the argument from lectio difficilior 
> becomes valid. Because it is much more likely to assume that in the line of 
> transmission the more _unlitterary_ features are prone to "correction" than the 
> other way round. 

But again, following Bl.-D. it appears that a peculiar _literary_ variety 
of grammar is reflected in allowing remaining verbs in a subjunctive 
clause to be indicatives.  Both "normal" classical and Koine vernacular 
would have the verbs within the clause totally in the subjunctive (the 
verb "to be" perhaps being the only exception?).

> The later textual transmission (incl. Byz.) 
> gives a higher proportion of classical usage, with respect to the grammatical 
> features under discussion, than the other witnesses. A preliminary glance at the 
> INA clauses seems to point in the same direction.

Kilpatrick in his article on Atticism in the Greek NT would differ
strongly from that conclusion, since he finds the primary problem in that
regard within the Alexandrian rather than the Byzantine text. 
 
> Note, I am open to change my mind, but not on the ground of 
> speculations like the above mentioned.

Since so much of what is done in text-critical theory is speculation 
(including my own hypothesis), it seems difficult to think anyone from 
any text-critical school will soon change his or her mind while following 
the normal patterns.  

I acknowledge that my own opinion changed radically from eclecticism to
Byzantine-priority after carefully studying all the data and developing a
history of transmission which takes all known data into account. 

Is there anyone out there who has come to a _modern eclectic_ position who
was not initially trained in such and accepted such from the beginning? 

_________________________________________________________________________
Maurice A. Robinson, Ph.D.           Assoc. Prof./Greek and New Testament
Southeastern Baptist Theological Seminary     Wake Forest, North Carolina
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~


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On Fri, 5 Apr 1996 HuldrychZ@aol.com wrote:

> In an earlier posting it was mentioned that one should look at von Soden and
> Tischendorf first, and then the "handbooks".  Are these still available
> somewhere?  If so, where?

Tischendorf's 1869 two text + apparatus volumes were reprinted in 1965 by
Akademische Druck -u. Verlagsanstalt, Graz, Austria.  I suspect some of 
those still remain in print, though I do not know at what cost.

Von Soden's Greek NT was never reprinted, though some of the original
prolegomena volumes from 1911-1913 can still be had from the original
publisher, Vandenhoeck und Ruprecht, Goettingen, Germany (sorry --the last
copy of Von Soden's text + apparatus volume was sold to my co-editor in
1975; even my own copy of von Soden is a xerox).  I know the Munster 
Institut has von Soden's own copy of his text + apparatus with 
corrections and supplements noted in the margins in anticipation of a 
second edition, but his death in a 1919 subway accident precluded that 
edition from ever coming into print. 

_________________________________________________________________________
Maurice A. Robinson, Ph.D.           Assoc. Prof./Greek and New Testament
Southeastern Baptist Theological Seminary     Wake Forest, North Carolina
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

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From: Maurice Robinson <mrobinsn@mercury.interpath.com>
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Subject: Syriac + it-k
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On Fri, 5 Apr 1996, William L. Petersen wrote:

> One additional note:  If one is REALLY serious, one should also always check
> A. Juelicher's edition of the gospels in the Vetus Latina version (4
> volumes), and one of the editions of the Old Syriac gospels (F.C. Burkitt's
> is probably most useful, for it combines both Syr-s and Syr-c, and offers an
> English translation--which is usually pretty accurate).  The reason for this
> is three-fold:  (1) UBS4 dates the two MSS of the "Old Syriac" to the
> "third/fourth century" (see p. 26*).  This would make Syr-s, the older of
> these MSS, the OLDEST FULL TEXT OF THE GOSPELS, antedating both Vaticanus
> (B) and Sinaiticus (alaph).  (2) Even Westcott (followed by Eberhard Nestle,
> Alexander Souter, FC Burkitt, Voeoebus, etc.) admitted that the combination
> of _k_ [afra from the Vetus Latina] and the Old Syriac offers a text which
> is superior to that of alaph+B.  (The actual quotations are all presented in
> my _Tatian's Diatessaron_ [1994], pp. 20-22;  the Westcott citation is from
> the second edition of the Intro to Westcott & Hort's _NT in the original
> Greek_ [1896], p. 328.)  

In regard to assuming that sy-s + it-k or any other combination of
versions presents a superior text -- whatever happened to the principle
that the _Greek_ MSS are or should be the primary witnesses to the _Greek_
NT text?  

Versional and patristic evidence certainly can be of significance, and
appeal can be made to their testimony, but such should never become
primary evidence or even suggested to be such, in view of the quantity and
quality of the Greek MS evidence we possess. 


_________________________________________________________________________
Maurice A. Robinson, Ph.D.           Assoc. Prof./Greek and New Testament
Southeastern Baptist Theological Seminary     Wake Forest, North Carolina
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~


From majordom  Sat Apr  6 18:43:07 1996
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Carlton L. Winbery wrote:
> W.R. Farmer of SMU several years back published an article arguing for the
> authenticity of Mark 16:9-20.  It's obviously conflate nature fits well
> with the contention that all of Mark is a conflation of Matthew and Luke.

Carlton, I am very weary of the so-called "assured result" of Marcan 
priority, so it's refreshing to see such a remark as this. Two 
questions: do you agree with this conflation theory (I infer that you 
do), and are there many other textual critics that would agree with 
it? My guess would be no, but I would love to hear otherwise.

Don Wilkins
UC Riverside

From majordom  Sat Apr  6 19:03:11 1996
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Don Wilkens wrote;
>Carlton, I am very weary of the so-called "assured result" of Marcan
>priority, so it's refreshing to see such a remark as this. Two
>questions: do you agree with this conflation theory (I infer that you
>do), and are there many other textual critics that would agree with
>it? My guess would be no, but I would love to hear otherwise.
>
Sorry to disappoint you, but I was giving Farmer's view.  He goes back to
the Greisbach thesis which I consider untenable.  There was a time when I
was influenced by Farmer's book, The Synoptic Problem, but I took a year to
work through and translate the triple and double traditions from the Greek
verse by verse.  I am thoroughly convinced that Matthew had a copy of Mark
essentially as we have it.  And also that Matthew and Luke shared some
written sources for at least part of what we call "Q." material.

Grace & Peace,
Carlton Winbery
END

Carlton L. Winbery
Prof. Religion
LA College, Pineville, La
winberyc@popalex1.linknet.net
winbery@andria.lacollege.edu



From majordom  Sat Apr  6 19:06:39 1996
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Don,
I might add that I later worked through Mann's commentary on Mark in the
Anchor Bible written from the perspective of the Greisback hypothesis.  His
difficulty in making sense of the text and laborous efforts to explain
Mark's method convinced me that his was a wasted interprize.
Grace,
Carlton
END

Carlton L. Winbery
Prof. Religion
LA College, Pineville, La
winberyc@popalex1.linknet.net
winbery@andria.lacollege.edu



From majordom  Sat Apr  6 19:57:40 1996
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From: Don Wilkins <dwilkins@ucr.campus.mci.net>
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Gentlemen,
I am very new to the tc list and have picked up some ongoing 
threads only recently. Having said that, I wonder if you have 
already discussed the fact that the future indicative is not 
unattested in classical literature in clauses of fearing and caution? 
Notably, in book 4.1.18 of Xenophon's _Cyropaedia_ one finds the 
future indicative used after MH in a caution clause cited in a speech 
given by Cyaxares: hORA MH POLLWN hEKASTWi hHMWN XEIRWN 
DEHSEI KAI OFQALMWN (...see to it that that each of us does not 
have need of many hands and eyes.). There may be other examples, 
and I suspect what we have is a clause of fearing using the future 
indicative in the sense of warning as was typical of "future 
emotional" conditions in classical Greek. Perhaps this is why Heb 
3.12 apparently passed muster with the scribes. It does not 
necessarily cry out for a subjunctive. Again, I apologize if I am 
covering old ground.

Don Wilkins
UC Riverside

From majordom  Sat Apr  6 20:13:37 1996
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From: Don Wilkins <dwilkins@ucr.campus.mci.net>
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I've mentioned before that I am new to this list, and I'm finding 
this and other threads most interesting. I share the feeling that 
emendation is not approriate to NT text criticism. As a classicist who 
started with NT studies, my experience has been that classicists do 
not really take into account the advantage of having abundant 
valuable mss for NT, and prefer to go about NT criticism in the same 
way they do for classical texts, where emendation is a necessity at 
times. The only real defense I have ever seen for this approach to 
the NT by classicists (other than the arguments I have been seeing 
in this thread) is that one should always start from scratch and give 
every ms equal weight with every other (i.e. ignore text type 
arguments etc.). I doubt very much that they would apply this 
technique to classical texts if there were an abundance of materials 
there as well (I for one would be overjoyed to find abundant 
classical mss, and would in that case immediately reevaluate the 
role of emendation).

Don Wilkins
UC Riverside

From majordom  Sat Apr  6 20:21:48 1996
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From: Don Wilkins <dwilkins@ucr.campus.mci.net>
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Carlton L. Winbery wrote:
> 
> Don Wilkens wrote;
> >Carlton, I am very weary of the so-called "assured result" of Marcan
> >priority, so it's refreshing to see such a remark as this. Two
> >questions: do you agree with this conflation theory (I infer that you
> >do), and are there many other textual critics that would agree with
> >it? My guess would be no, but I would love to hear otherwise.
> >
> Sorry to disappoint you, but I was giving Farmer's view.  He goes back to
> the Greisbach thesis which I consider untenable.  There was a time when I
> was influenced by Farmer's book, The Synoptic Problem, but I took a year to
> work through and translate the triple and double traditions from the Greek
> verse by verse.  I am thoroughly convinced that Matthew had a copy of Mark
> essentially as we have it.  And also that Matthew and Luke shared some
> written sources for at least part of what we call "Q." material.

Thanks. I don't mean to continue this discussion and don't expect 
you to, but I should simply add that I would not agree with Farmer 
either. I was just pleasantly surprised to hear of someone espousing 
a non-Markan priority view in recent years.

Grace & Peace to you as well,
Dr. Don Wilkins
UC Riverside

From majordom  Sat Apr  6 20:34:31 1996
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From: HuldrychZ@aol.com
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Don,

In a message dated 96-04-06 19:56:00 EST, you write:

>I suspect what we have is a clause of fearing using the future 
>indicative in the sense of warning as was typical of "future 
>emotional" conditions in classical Greek. Perhaps this is why Heb 
>3.12 apparently passed muster with the scribes

I don't know about Xenophon; but I would suggest that the grammar of the
Greek NT follows much looser rules than you are intimating.  If there is one
thing that can be counted on, it is that the rules of grammar will be broken
by the writers of the NT.  You are liable to find anything grammatically (for
instance the grammatically dreadful book of Revelation).  Thus it is somewhat
hazardous to press grammatical rules too far- they are guidelines, not stone
inscribed dictum.

Jim

+++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++

Jim West, ThD
Professor of Biblical Languages, CCBI
Petros TN 37845

From majordom  Sat Apr  6 20:35:51 1996
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Carlton L. Winbery wrote:
> 
> Don,
> I might add that I later worked through Mann's commentary on Mark in the
> Anchor Bible written from the perspective of the Greisback hypothesis.  His
> difficulty in making sense of the text and laborous efforts to explain
> Mark's method convinced me that his was a wasted interprize.

Thanks, Carlton. I also want to apologize if my last message seemed 
a bit abrupt; it was only because I thought your "END" closing was 
meant to let me know that you did not want to discuss the matter 
further, and I see that I probably misconstrued.
I do a lot of research with computer programming, and one thing I 
would like to explore is stylometric computer analysis. I'm not sure 
that it would have value for the synoptic problem, but it has been 
used a good deal for evaluating authorship problems etc. in classical 
literature. 
Thanks again. It's a pleasure to follow your discussions and I will 
continue to do so, hopefully getting up to speed in the process.

Don Wilkins

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Date: Sat, 6 Apr 1996 21:56:01 -0500 (EST)
From: "James R. Adair" <jadair@scholar.cc.emory.edu>
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Subject: H-e-l-p! Need DJD volumes
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List-owner's note: Make sure to avoid the word "help" in the subject line 
of messages to the tc-list.  Majordomo, our automated mail program, 
thinks they are requests for information about the list.  They will end up 
in my mailbox, but in no one else's! - Jimmy Adair

---------- Forwarded message ----------
Date: Fri, 5 Apr 1996 16:07:55 +0000
From: Dave Washburn <dwashbur@wave.park.wy.us>
To: tc-list@scholar.cc.emory.edu

I have a problem.  I'm out here in some of the most gorgeous country 
on Earth, northwestern Wyoming, trying to update my book "A Catalog 
of Biblical Passages in the Dead Sea Scrolls."  Some of you may have 
seen this book listed in some Eisenbrauns catalogs a while back as 
part of the ETS Monograph Series.  The long and short of it is, ETS 
had the ms for 10 years and didn't get it into print, so I have 
pulled it from them and am looking for another publisher.  But a lot 
can happen in 10 years, especially in this field.  So I need to 
update it.  I have managed to keep somewhat current, but the recent 
appearance of 3 new volumes of Discoveries in the Judaean Desert 
(volumes 10, 11 and 13, I believe) have put me miles behind.

The problem: there isn't a library within a gazillion miles of me 
that has these volumes.  The nearest decent theological library, at 
CBTS in Denver, only has through volume 9.  I can't get the volumes 
by ILL from anywhere else that my local library is able to contact.  
If anybody on the TC list can help me find a way to borrow these 
books, please drop me an email directly at dwashbur@wave.park.wy.us.
Wyoming is a great place to live and raise kids, and a lousy place to 
try and do this kind of research.  I'd be willing to borrow the books 
one at a time, and would only need each one for about 3 weeks.  I 
would also be willing to pay a small borrowing fee if necessary.

Thanks for any help anybody can give!

Dave


From majordom  Sun Apr  7 00:21:36 1996
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From: Maurice Robinson <mrobinsn@mercury.interpath.com>
To: tc-list@scholar.cc.emory.edu
Subject: Re: autographs and archetypes
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On Sat, 6 Apr 1996 schmiul@uni-muenster.de wrote:

> On Fri, 5 Arr 1996, Maurice Robinson wrote:

>>This in itself is quite typical of the state of classical 
>>literature, and already begs for emendation.  There is no parallel 
>>here to the NT situation. Ten MSS versus 5000+, along with versions and 
>> fathers, make a world of difference in regard to what praxis should be 
>>followed in relation to the NT data.

> May be I should have stated the parallel more clearly. In New 
> Testament textual transmission there is only one manuscript which 
> is near the mark "40 to 70 years after the date of composition" of 
> the New Testament writing that it testifies to, the famous P52. 
> This manuscript consists in its actual state of less then a quarter 
> of a single papyrus sheet. 

This in itself is irrelevant, since classical literature, with far fewer 
MSS is considered to have a basically secure text even though the oldest 
copies we possess are hundreds of years removed from the originals.  Few 
if any classical works are considered to all stem from a corrupted 
archetype, and the same applies to the books of the NT. (P52 also is 
text-critically insignificant in proving or suggesting any early 
"corruption").

> On the other hand, the textual 
> transmission of the dialogue, allthough going back to 40 to 70 
> years after the date of composition, already contained a fair 
> number of textual corruptions. 

This fact is certainly of significance when attempting to restore the 
text of that Dialogue.  It clearly indicates that there was no great 
scribal concern for the text of that work in its earliest stages, but one 
cannot carry this over to the NT MSS themselves, since, even without 
bringing in issues of inspiration and canonicity, I think a very strong 
case can be made for a greater scribal concern with the NT documents than 
with minor theological treatises.

But even so, the parallel exists: the second century MSS are far more 
"corrupt" than is the case with later MSS, and the whole concept of the 
"uncontrolled popular text" and Colwell's suggestion that all significant 
variants were created before AD 200 reflects a similar situation.  
However, the parallel breaks down as soon as it is presumed that all NT 
books somehow devolved into a "corrupt archetype" which then became the 
mother of all subsequent copies, as was clearly the case in regard to the 
anonymous Dialogue.  

> I mentioned this example only to illustrate the possibility of 
> scribal error creeping in textual transmissions at a very early 
> stage, and _not_ being removable within the textual transmission 
> itself. 

But if this were the case in regard to the transmission of the NT, one 
would have to show numerous or repeated instances of plain and clear 
error which permeated all MSS of all texttypes.  In the case of the NT 
MSS, this simply cannot be done.

> Personally, I can not see what the constant appeal to the "wealth 
> of support" really meens, if _only_  to indicate that the sheer 
> amount of data involved can be seen as the greatest challange to 
> editorial enterprise ever to be found on this planet. 

The challenge _is_ massive if the intended goal is to present an absolutely 
complete text + apparatus.  However, if the goal is only to establish the 
original text of the NT documents, the amount of evidence we possess is 
more than adequate to the task. Any appeal to the "wealth of support" is 
with the latter goal in mind.

> But, looking from a theoretical perspective on the amount of data, 
> there is nothing within this situation that can completely rule out 
> conjectural emendation. 

But within the "wealth of support" concept, the need for such is reduced
to how many thousandths of a percent or less?  All critics agree that the
amount is so minimal as to be almost non-extant (as noted Ac.16.12 is the
first and only conjecture ever to have made it into the pages of a
critical NT Greek text).  So why is it an absolute necessity to continue
to postulate a presumption of primitive error which transcends all known
MSS?  This sounds like the old physics claim that if all electrons of a
brick should suddenly align in the same direction, the brick would shoot
through the roof -- nice in theory, but in practice such simply does not
occur. 

> To assess the "wealth of support" notion from a slightly different 
> angle I may refer to what Maurice Robinson wrote on Wed, 20 Mar 
> 1996:
 
>> Without going into a very extended discussion here, I would
>> suggest that at the time of the switch from uncial to minuscule
>> (9th-10th centuries) certain key MSS were selected as archetypes
>> for the primary minuscule copies.... 

>> If the minuscule archetype were copied in sufficient quantity
>> during the very initial period of minuscule distribution, the
>> _omission_ of those two readings would dominate and (through the
>> cross-correction process) would eliminate whatever vestiges
>> remained of the longer reading which had previously dominated
>> transmissional history before the radical change of script.

> A "'new' archetype situation" in fact makes our work much 
> easier. Because, once an archetype, or hyparchetype situation is 
> settled the whole bulk of MSS belonging to that part of the 
> transmission can be subsumed under one, or at least very few MS(S). 

The problem in regard to my own hypothesis applied to 1Jn.2.23 and 3.1 is
that there is no evidence which strongly supports such a scenario.  I
maintain the hypothesis primarily on the basis of the strong internal
considerations (homoioteleuton and Johannine style) which apply to the
longer readings in those situations.  If the internal grounds are indeed
sufficiently strong, then the "new archetype(s)" situation, created in the
initial stages of the minuscule era, might apply. 

Of course, if my hypothesis is wrong here (and my co-editor will be the 
first to declare such), then the shorter reading would remain defensible, 
but so also would the non-existence of a new archetype hypothesis.  

Keep in mind, however, that my "new archetype" suggestion is not made with
the intention that a _single_ new archetype was ever created, but that
during the conversion to minuscule form, the MS(S) which got the earliest
start would have a _tendency_ to slowly overwhelm the upcoming tradition. 
A key problem with this hypothesis is that the change apparently did not
happen "slowly," and this implies either that all minuscules descended
from a single archetype (which seems unlikely in the extreme) or that a
large number of early minuscules coincidentally omitted just those 
passages by homoioteleuton (which is possible, but still problematic). 

These considerations remain a primary reason for placing those longer
readings in brackets, even if my hypothesis were to be implemented in our
printed Greek text.  That the longer readings do not now appear there
(even in brackets) is due to the insistence of my co-editor at that point,
who was working on textual matters before I was born, and to whose 
preference I deferred in the initial publication of our text.

> a) In 1John 2,23 a total of 402 MSS give the homoioteleuton 
> corruption (= h.c.), whereas a total of 115 MSS lack the h.c. 

> b) In 1John 3,1 a total of 426 MSS give the h.c., whereas a total 
> of 78 MSS lack the h.c.

This proportion of support to me seems sufficient on its face to include the 
longer reading within brackets.  Had the shorter reading support been in 
an 8:1 or greater proportion, I would not be suggesting the same 
possibilities.

> To conclude from these data I may state that around 75 per cent of 
> the MSS can be subsumed under just one, or only very few leading 
> MS(S). 

I would not claim that the "hyperarchetype" scenario would continue 
beyond the Johannine Epistles, or even beyond 1 Jn.  Among the Gospels 
and Praxapostoloi there does not seem to be evidence tending in that same 
direction.  The General Epistles as a whole have a different textual 
history, and it is likely that the Johannine Epistles within that group 
have their own peculiar history.

> This reduces the amount of data tremendously, and we are 
> left with around 25 per cent of the MSS which is still a lot but 
> not threatening at all.

My own suggestion of following Scrivener and eliminating all MSS beyond 
the tenth century would similarly reduce the amount of evidence to 
manageable proportions, and would not be dependent upon any secondary 
archetype hypothesis.  I would prefer to go that route first.

_________________________________________________________________________
Maurice A. Robinson, Ph.D.           Assoc. Prof./Greek and New Testament
Southeastern Baptist Theological Seminary     Wake Forest, North Carolina
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~


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From: Maurice Robinson <mrobinsn@mercury.interpath.com>
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Subject: Re: The long ending of Mark
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On Sat, 6 Apr 1996, Don Wilkins wrote to Carlton Winbery:

> Carlton, I am very weary of the so-called "assured result" of Marcan 
> priority, so it's refreshing to see such a remark as this. Two 
> questions: do you agree with this conflation theory (I infer that you 
> do), and are there many other textual critics that would agree with 
> it? My guess would be no, but I would love to hear otherwise.

Like the early fathers, I happen to hold to Matthean priority, but this 
does not mean that I consider Mark a mere conflation or abridgment of Matt 
and Lk. 
_________________________________________________________________________
Maurice A. Robinson, Ph.D.           Assoc. Prof./Greek and New Testament
Southeastern Baptist Theological Seminary     Wake Forest, North Carolina
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

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From: Maurice Robinson <mrobinsn@mercury.interpath.com>
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On Sat, 6 Apr 1996, Carlton L. Winbery wrote:

> I might add that I later worked through Mann's commentary on Mark in the
> Anchor Bible written from the perspective of the Greisback hypothesis.  His
> difficulty in making sense of the text and laborous efforts to explain
> Mark's method convinced me that his was a wasted interprize.

Carlton, have you also worked through and evaluated Eta Linnemann's and 
John Wenham's current claims regarding the issue of eyewitness testimony 
as opposed to literary dependency?  Even though Linnemann is 
theologically driven, she nevertheless presents a mass of data with which 
scholars must deal if they are to hold to Markan priority and the Q 
hypothesis.

(I realize this discussion is getting off the track of textual criticism, 
so I will forego further discussion on these matters).


_________________________________________________________________________
Maurice A. Robinson, Ph.D.           Assoc. Prof./Greek and New Testament
Southeastern Baptist Theological Seminary     Wake Forest, North Carolina
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~


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From: Maurice Robinson <mrobinsn@mercury.interpath.com>
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On Sat, 6 Apr 1996, Don Wilkins wrote:

> the future indicative is not 
> unattested in classical literature in clauses of fearing and caution? 
> Notably, in book 4.1.18 of Xenophon's _Cyropaedia_ one finds the 
> future indicative used after MH in a caution clause cited in a speech 
> given by Cyaxares: hORA MH POLLWN hEKASTWi hHMWN XEIRWN 
> DEHSEI KAI OFQALMWN (...see to it that that each of us does not 
> have need of many hands and eyes.). There may be other examples, 
> and I suspect what we have is a clause of fearing using the future 
> indicative in the sense of warning as was typical of "future 
> emotional" conditions in classical Greek. Perhaps this is why Heb 
> 3.12 apparently passed muster with the scribes. 

Don, thank you for this contribution.  While I am not convinced that this 
construction would occur only with verbs of fearing and testing, it at 
least does provide an example from classical literature of what I would 
be terming the "literary" style mentioned by Bl.-D. as opposed to what 
normally obtained in the Koine of the NT era and in "normal" classical 
usage.   

However, I would also be interested to know whether scribes of Xenophon 
thought this future indicative in any way problematic, i.e., are there 
variant readings in the MSS of Xenophon which change the construction to 
a "normal" subjunctive, or is this untouched, as is the case in Heb.3.12 ?


_________________________________________________________________________
Maurice A. Robinson, Ph.D.           Assoc. Prof./Greek and New Testament
Southeastern Baptist Theological Seminary     Wake Forest, North Carolina
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

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Maurice Robinson wrote;
>Carlton, have you also worked through and evaluated Eta Linnemann's and
>John Wenham's current claims regarding the issue of eyewitness testimony
>as opposed to literary dependency?  Even though Linnemann is
>theologically driven, she nevertheless presents a mass of data with which
>scholars must deal if they are to hold to Markan priority and the Q
>hypothesis.
>
Without going into all the evidence, I will say that I have worked thru
Linnemann's book in great detail.  I am convinced that her "amassing" such
evidence was theologically driven and at points very imaginative.  I had
the privilege of "eating tea" often with John Wenham in Oxford and
attending many debates with Wenham in 1983/84.  He and I discussed what he
was working on at the time _The Easter Enigma_ and I find his work in many
places is controled by his desire to "harmonize" all the sources.  Any
historian will do some harmonizing but at places must admit that the
records cannot be completely reconciled.  At the time that I was meeting
with Wenham, I also met fortnightly with G.D. Kilpatrick and attended G.B.
Caird's lectures on the Synoptics and Caird's NT research seminar.  In that
very rich invironment I also translated the entire Synoptic tradition verse
by verse from the Aland, Synopsis.  I now say that the documentary (no one
can say just two) hypothesis is still my working hypothesis, but it is not
totally proven.
Sincerely,

Carlton L. Winbery
Prof. Religion
LA College, Pineville, La
winberyc@popalex1.linknet.net
winbery@andria.lacollege.edu



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Especially for William L. Petersen (5 Apr 1996:  tc-list digest IV # 47 1/2):

I have been surprised at the high value placed on the apparatus of Von
Soden's text by various contributors to this list.  The Alands, with
abundant resources for checking its accuracy, have claimed it is extremely
inaccurate.  What is the point of having it a few feet behind you if you
have no way of verifying the notoriously inaccurate apparatus it contains?

Richard K. Moore,
Head of New Testament Department, Baptist Theological College of Western
Australia;
Lecturer, Murdoch University.



From majordom  Sun Apr  7 20:05:32 1996
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Writing re. the Longer Ending of Mark, Maurice Robinson (7 April 1996:
tc-list digest IV # 48 2/2) remarked that he was taking us off the track of
textual criticism.

Certainly this list ought not to degenerate into mere theorizing concerning
textual criticism and needs to keep concrete cases before it both for their
own value and as illustrative of the nature of the data.

Let us not forget, however, that by their own admission, one of the
principles guiding the editors of the NA26/NA27 text in the decisions they
took for the Gospels was a commitment to Marcan priority.


Richard K. Moore,
Head of New Testament Department, Baptist Theological College of Western
Australia;
Lecturer, Murdoch University.



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From: "Dave Washburn" <dwashbur@wave.park.wy.us>
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 rmoore@central.murdoch.edu.au (Richard K. Moore) wrote:
> Especially for William L. Petersen (5 Apr 1996:  tc-list digest IV # 47 1/2):
> 
> I have been surprised at the high value placed on the apparatus of Von
> Soden's text by various contributors to this list.  The Alands, with
> abundant resources for checking its accuracy, have claimed it is extremely
> inaccurate.  What is the point of having it a few feet behind you if you
> have no way of verifying the notoriously inaccurate apparatus it contains?

It's been a long time since I read the Alands, but I seem to recall 
that their beef wasn't necessarily with the accuracy of the data in 
his apparatus, but with his interpretations and groupings of the 
data.  Is my memory faulty here?
Dave
http://www.nyx.net/~dwashbur/home.html
"I've gone to find myself.  If I get back 
before I get back, please keep me here."

From majordom  Sun Apr  7 21:48:53 1996
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From: HuldrychZ@aol.com
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In a message dated 96-04-07 19:43:26 EDT, you write:

>I have been surprised at the high value placed on the apparatus of Von
>Soden's text by various contributors to this list.  The Alands, with
>abundant resources for checking its accuracy, have claimed it is extremely
>inaccurate.  What is the point of having it a few feet behind you if you
>have no way of verifying the notoriously inaccurate apparatus it contains?


Excellent point.  If von Soden is in fact inaccurate, what exactly is its
value?


Jim
++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++

Jim West, ThD
Professor of Biblical Languages, CCBI

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From: Maurice Robinson <mrobinsn@mercury.interpath.com>
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On Mon, 8 Apr 1996, Richard K. Moore wrote:

> I have been surprised at the high value placed on the apparatus of Von
> Soden's text by various contributors to this list.  The Alands, with
> abundant resources for checking its accuracy, have claimed it is extremely
> inaccurate.  What is the point of having it a few feet behind you if you
> have no way of verifying the notoriously inaccurate apparatus it contains?

Von Soden remains the largest repository of readings and evidence yet
amassed, and should not be ignored.  Also, the claim that the apparatus is
"positively honeycombed with errors" is not as bad as it sounds, given the
typography and potential for error in its format.  In a seminar paper I
prepared 20 years ago, I did a test evaluation of Von Soden in 1
Thessalonians, and found but two verifiable errors within that book; I
also checked his citation of Vaticanus therein with my own collation data
and found von Soden perfectly correct. 

Most of the claims to error in von Soden stem from Hoskier's and Souter's
bad reviews in the period before 1920 (Lake paraphrased Souter and Metzger
paraphrased Lake).  If anyone will take the time to look up those reviews
and compare the claims of error against what von Soden's text actually
said (being extremely careful to interpret his apparatuses properly) one
will find that Souter simply could not understand von Soden's manner of
presentation (Souter's example in Eph.1 is a case in point, where he
totally misinterprets von Soden, who is precisely correct there), and
Hoskier apparently never read von Soden's introduction, since many of
Hoskier's claims of error stem from a misunderstanding of von Soden's use
of "f" "ff" "fff" etc., where Hoskier positively thinks that MSS in
ascending numerical sequence are intended as opposed to the special order
of presentation von Soden intended. (I have all these documented, of
course). 

Wisse's study shows that, at the very least, von Soden _can_ be trusted in
most of his group evidence, even though there are some errors in
individual MS citation.  I still suspect that many of these are merely
matters of confusion in interpreting von Soden rather than definite error,
but I certainly have found scattered errors in von Soden. 

Bottom line, von Soden as well as Tischendorf should still be consulted,
though corrected where possible against Tischendorf, Legg's Mt. or Mk.,
IGNTP Luke, or the selected readings in the Text und Textwert series. 

_________________________________________________________________________
Maurice A. Robinson, Ph.D.           Assoc. Prof./Greek and New Testament
Southeastern Baptist Theological Seminary     Wake Forest, North Carolina
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~


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From: "James R. Adair" <jadair@scholar.cc.emory.edu>
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Maurice Robinson wrote:

> I would suggest the likelihood of an Alexandrian local-text recension
> (contra Fee) which proceeded more on literary than upon vernacular
> grounds, and which also may have been affected by Coptic grammatical
> influences. 

Can you give us some examples of possible Coptic grammatical influences?

Jimmy Adair
Manager of Information Technology Services, Scholars Press
    and
Managing Editor of TELA, the Scholars Press World Wide Web Site
---------------> http://scholar.cc.emory.edu <-----------------


From majordom  Mon Apr  8 00:51:17 1996
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Subject: Heb 3:12 future ind.
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There has been some discussion about the appropriateness of the future
indicative in Heb 3:12.  The question was raised whether the aorist
subjunctive rather than the future indicative shouldn't have been
expected, despite the fact that no mss (that I am aware of) contain the
subjunctive.  Herbert Weir Smyth, _Greek Grammar_ (classical), provides
what seems to me to be a reasonable explanation.  He notes that object
clauses after verbs of effort or warning normally take the future
indicative.  His examples offer a striking comparison with Heb 3:12; e.g., 
SKOPEISQE TOUTO, OPWS MH LOGOUS EROUSIN MONON ... ALLA KAI ERGON TI
DEIKNUEIN EXOUSIN (see to this, that they not only make speeches but are
also able to show some proof) (Smyth:498).  He gives other examples of the
same construction with the verb SKOPEW and ORAW.  It appears that the
MHPOTE clause following BLEPETE fits this pattern, thus negating the value
of Heb 3:12 as an argument in the discussion over future indicatives and
subjunctives in Lk 12:58 and elsewhere. 

Jimmy Adair
Manager of Information Technology Services, Scholars Press
    and
Managing Editor of TELA, the Scholars Press World Wide Web Site
---------------> http://scholar.cc.emory.edu <-----------------



From majordom  Mon Apr  8 03:05:09 1996
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Date: Sun, 07 Apr 1996 23:12:42 +0000
From: Don Wilkins <dwilkins@ucr.campus.mci.net>
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HuldrychZ@aol.com wrote:
> 
> Don,
> 
> In a message dated 96-04-06 19:56:00 EST, you write:
> 
> >I suspect what we have is a clause of fearing using the future
> >indicative in the sense of warning as was typical of "future
> >emotional" conditions in classical Greek. Perhaps this is why Heb
> >3.12 apparently passed muster with the scribes
> 
> I don't know about Xenophon; but I would suggest that the grammar of the
> Greek NT follows much looser rules than you are intimating.  If there is one
> thing that can be counted on, it is that the rules of grammar will be broken
> by the writers of the NT.  You are liable to find anything grammatically (for
> instance the grammatically dreadful book of Revelation).  Thus it is somewhat
> hazardous to press grammatical rules too far- they are guidelines, not stone
> inscribed dictum.
> 
> Jim

Jim, there are two points I'd like to make in response. First, my 
original comment was mainly intended to point out that the future 
indicative in a clause of fearing/caution was not unknown in 
classical texts (Xenophon is an important example because he uses 
good Attic Greek), and therefore it would be short-sighted to say 
that the NT passages in question cry out for the subjunctive. After 
all, the "rule" being appealed to is taken from classical Greek in the 
first place. Second, I am of course aware of the exceptions and 
apparent violations of classical Greek (I assume that we are talking 
about Attic Greek when we speak of rules, as is usually the case), 
but I think we generally fail to give the NT writers credit for what 
they do right. In fact, in the vast majority of passages the writers 
hold to classical grammar--note that I do not say classical *style*, as 
one finds exceptionally in Luke's prologue--, which suggests the 
possibility that the "errors" are intentional departures from more or 
less standard style. On the other side of the coin, we should 
naturally expect to see some differences and some degeneration of 
the language due to time and colloquial usage; but my experience is 
that the NT writers are remarkably close to classical standards, 
except when they choose not to be (e.g. in translational Greek). I 
certainly do agree with you, though, that the rules are guidelines, 
even in classical Greek.

Don Wilkins
UC Riverside

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Maurice Robinson wrote:
> 
> On Sat, 6 Apr 1996, Don Wilkins wrote to Carlton Winbery:
> 
> > Carlton, I am very weary of the so-called "assured result" of Marcan
> > priority, so it's refreshing to see such a remark as this. Two
> > questions: do you agree with this conflation theory (I infer that you
> > do), and are there many other textual critics that would agree with
> > it? My guess would be no, but I would love to hear otherwise.
> 
> Like the early fathers, I happen to hold to Matthean priority, but this
> does not mean that I consider Mark a mere conflation or abridgment of Matt
> and Lk.

This is very interesting. I would be grateful if you would explain 
your view of Mark, as briefly (or fully) as you like.

Don Wilkins
UC Riverside

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Date: Sun, 07 Apr 1996 23:33:20 +0000
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Subject: Re: Luke 12,58
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Maurice Robinson wrote:
> 
> On Sat, 6 Apr 1996, Don Wilkins wrote:
> 
> > the future indicative is not
> > unattested in classical literature in clauses of fearing and caution?
> > Notably, in book 4.1.18 of Xenophon's _Cyropaedia_ one finds the
> > future indicative used after MH in a caution clause cited in a speech
> > given by Cyaxares: hORA MH POLLWN hEKASTWi hHMWN XEIRWN
> > DEHSEI KAI OFQALMWN (...see to it that that each of us does not
> > have need of many hands and eyes.). There may be other examples,
> > and I suspect what we have is a clause of fearing using the future
> > indicative in the sense of warning as was typical of "future
> > emotional" conditions in classical Greek. Perhaps this is why Heb
> > 3.12 apparently passed muster with the scribes.
> 
> Don, thank you for this contribution.  While I am not convinced that this
> construction would occur only with verbs of fearing and testing, it at
> least does provide an example from classical literature of what I would
> be terming the "literary" style mentioned by Bl.-D. as opposed to what
> normally obtained in the Koine of the NT era and in "normal" classical
> usage.
> 
> However, I would also be interested to know whether scribes of Xenophon
> thought this future indicative in any way problematic, i.e., are there
> variant readings in the MSS of Xenophon which change the construction to
> a "normal" subjunctive, or is this untouched, as is the case in Heb.3.12 ?
> 
This is a good question, Maurice. I'll try to research it and get back 
to you; unfortunately, the TLG (my primary source) does not 
include textual apparati yet. BTW, I didn't mean to imply that the 
future indicative as an exception to the subjunctive only occurs in 
fear or caution contexts; I just didn't research it further than that, 
and don't know otherwise at this point.

Don Wilkins
UC Riverside

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From: "Stephen C Carlson" <scarlso1@osf1.gmu.edu>
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Richard K. Moore wrote:
>Let us not forget, however, that by their own admission, one of the
>principles guiding the editors of the NA26/NA27 text in the decisions they
>took for the Gospels was a commitment to Marcan priority.

I'm curious to know whether Markan priority affected the determination any
particular reading.  Does anyone have an example?

Stephen Carlson
-- 
Stephen C. Carlson, George Mason University School of Law, Patent Track, 4LE
scarlso1@osf1.gmu.edu              : Poetry speaks of aspirations, and songs
http://osf1.gmu.edu/~scarlso1/     : chant the words.  -- Shujing 2.35

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Date: Mon, 08 Apr 1996 10:38:46 -0400
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On April 8, 1996, R.K. Moore asked:

>Especially for William L. Petersen (5 Apr 1996:  tc-list digest IV # 47 1/2):
>
>I have been surprised at the high value placed on the apparatus of Von
>Soden's text by various contributors to this list.  The Alands, with
>abundant resources for checking its accuracy, have claimed it is extremely
>inaccurate.  What is the point of having it a few feet behind you if you
>have no way of verifying the notoriously inaccurate apparatus it contains?
>

Answer:

While Maurice Robinson has already offered evidence to defend the accuracy
of von Soden's edition, permit me to offer the following to supplement his
empirical examination of its text and apparatus:

1) Editing the NT is a business.  Saying bad things about competitors is not
confined to automobile salesmen or appliance hawkers.  On more than one
occasion, I have been asked about the marketability of a NT edition of
such-and-such a format or size, or with such a size font, with the
introduction to the discussion being, "How well do you think it will sell?
Before doing it, our publishers want to get a read on the market."

2) As Robinson points out, vod Soden's apparatus is very complex, but it is
also very accurate--at least in my experience.  (I should point out that at
the [1993?] Milan SNTS meeting Prof. Graham Stanton [Kings College, U of
London] drew attention in his presidential address [so my memory as for the
paper] to an error in the apparatus of brand new NA27.  Moral:  NO edition
is without errors, and the more evidence [and here v.S. trounces NA by a
factor of about 3:1], the more errors in raw numbers, even though the
PERCENTAGE may remain the same...).  One must also recall that v.S. was
working on material collected a century ago, and using the editions
available then for Fathers, etc.  Therefore, what may seem an "error" today
(based on newer editions or more recent collations) may not have been one in
1890.

3) Why v.S. is so useful AND ACCURATE has been demonstrated time and again
in my own work on the versions or Patristic sources.  When I find an
interesting variant in the Syriac, or Vetus Latina, or a Father, the
question arises:  Is it a "one off" variant (for whatever reason), or is it
a variant with a history and other support?  NA/UBS is of no help, for its
apparatus is so incomplete and inconsistent in citation.  But if I turn to
v.S. (or the IGNT/Legg volumes, or Tischendorf), I often find support for
the variant in question.  This demonstrates that (1) v.S. is NOT in error at
this point, for he has found the exact variant in ANOTHER source, and (2)
v.S. remains invaluable for the depth and breadth of his material.

I would note that this whole exchange began with a question over a
"singular" reading in lectionary 253 at John 9.38-39.  It appeared to have
no other support.  I simply turned to my bookcase two feet behind my desk [
:)], pulled out v.S., and noted (as I posted last week) that a virtually
identical reading was to be found in another MS from the same century, MS
1187.  On the basis of that, I suggested that the two MSS might be related,
either textually or stem from the same geographic location where this
variant was in use liturgically.  I can multiply this example many-fold.
NA/UBS simply are too skimpy to serve this purpose.

Isn't that one of the reasons for textual criticism?  Doesn't one first have
to find MSS with the same (or very similar) variant readings?  THEN, and
only AFTER that, can one begin to study the variants, and reach any
intelligent conclusion about their genesis.  FINALLY, after all this has
been done, THEN one might wish to conjecture which might have been the most
ancient.

If one agrees, then ONLY v.S. (or another "editio maior") is suitable for
the task of textual criticism, at a fundamental level.  UBS and NA are
merely "Handausgaben", pocket editions, or, as I put it before, the
"Reader's Digest" edition--good for taking to class, for showing students
that things are not quite as simple as they thought, but absolutely
incapable of giving a serious researcher what he or she needs to gather
evidence.

(A semi-related post follows on the it + syr [k + syr] matter...)

Petersen--Penn State University.


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From: Maurice Robinson <mrobinsn@mercury.interpath.com>
To: tc-list@scholar.cc.emory.edu
Subject: Re: Coptic influence on Alexandrian mss
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On Mon, 8 Apr 1996, James R. Adair wrote:

> > I would suggest the likelihood of an Alexandrian local-text recension
> > (contra Fee) which proceeded more on literary than upon vernacular
> > grounds, and which also may have been affected by Coptic grammatical
> > influences. 
> 
> Can you give us some examples of possible Coptic grammatical influences?

One which immediately comes to mind is the presence of absence of 
definite articles with proper names.  



From majordom  Mon Apr  8 11:01:59 1996
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From: "Prof Ferdinand E Deist" <fed@SEMT.SUN.AC.ZA>
Organization: University of Stellenbosch
To: tc-list@scholar.cc.emory.edu
Date: Mon, 8 Apr 1996 16:45:37 GMT+0200
Subject: Re: Signing off for a while
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A humble request: please sign me off from the list until further 
notice. I am leaving for Europe tomorrow and shall be away for quite 
a while: fed@maties.sun.ac.za.

Thank you,
Ferdinand Deist
(Stellenbosch)

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From: Maurice Robinson <mrobinsn@mercury.interpath.com>
To: tc-list@scholar.cc.emory.edu
Subject: Re: Heb 3:12 future ind.
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On Mon, 8 Apr 1996, James R. Adair wrote:

> Herbert Weir Smyth, _Greek Grammar_ (classical), ... notes that object
> clauses after verbs of effort or warning normally take the future
> indicative.  

> It appears that the
> MHPOTE clause following BLEPETE fits this pattern, thus negating the value
> of Heb 3:12 as an argument in the discussion over future indicatives and
> subjunctives in Lk 12:58 and elsewhere. 

This would also apply to Mk.14:2, since ESTAI occurs there as well, and a
warning/caution is also given.  However, since MHPOTE ("lest") is used, it
seems that the intention of the following clause in any case remains a
warning or a caution.  Therefore, if a strict rule really applied, then
most MSS in Lk.12.58 should also have the indicative, which they do not. 

My own suspicion remains that the use of the indicative following MHPOTE
with EIMI is a special case due to the nature of EIMI as the irregular
verb substantive, and that the specific types or nature of verbs following
really do not impact the grammatical construction, which normally would
require the subjunctive. 

I.e., I likewise am suggesting with Jimmy that the Heb.3.12 and Mk.14.2
passages probably have no application in relation to Lk.12.58, but for
different reasons.  Yet without those apparent NT "exceptions", I see even
less reason to allow the Alexandrian indicatives in Lk.12.58 merely on the
ground of their being more "difficult", since now they have no real
grammatical justification. 

_________________________________________________________________________
Maurice A. Robinson, Ph.D.           Assoc. Prof./Greek and New Testament
Southeastern Baptist Theological Seminary     Wake Forest, North Carolina
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~




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From: Maurice Robinson <mrobinsn@mercury.interpath.com>
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Subject: Re: The long ending of Mark
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On Sun, 7 Apr 1996, Don Wilkins wrote:

> Maurice Robinson wrote:

> > Like the early fathers, I happen to hold to Matthean priority, but this
> > does not mean that I consider Mark a mere conflation or abridgment of Matt
> > and Lk.
 
> This is very interesting. I would be grateful if you would explain 
> your view of Mark, as briefly (or fully) as you like.

This is not pertinent to textual criticism, but briefly, I accept the
early tradition of Mark as Peter's interpreter, and that we basically find
in Mark a reflection of Petrine preaching, probably written from Rome. 
(Once Matthean priority is granted, the Q hypothesis is generally
abandoned). 

_________________________________________________________________________
Maurice A. Robinson, Ph.D.           Assoc. Prof./Greek and New Testament
Southeastern Baptist Theological Seminary     Wake Forest, North Carolina
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~


From majordom  Mon Apr  8 11:31:34 1996
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Date: Mon, 8 Apr 1996 11:28:41 -0400 (EDT)
From: Maurice Robinson <mrobinsn@mercury.interpath.com>
To: tc-list@scholar.cc.emory.edu
Subject: Re: Synoptic source criticism
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On Mon, 8 Apr 1996, Stephen C Carlson wrote:

> Richard K. Moore wrote:

> >Let us not forget, however, that by their own admission, one of the
> >principles guiding the editors of the NA26/NA27 text in the decisions they
> >took for the Gospels was a commitment to Marcan priority.
> 
> I'm curious to know whether Markan priority affected the determination any
> particular reading.  Does anyone have an example?

The modern critical texts will have a tendency to claim more
harmonizations of Mark to Matthew, which are attributed to a presumption 
of Markan priority as well as to the fact that Matthew was the most 
popular gospel in the early church.  The real reflection of the Markan 
hypothesis would be seen in their internal evidence decision to follow a 
non-Matthean or non-Lukan reading in Mark whenever the choice presents 
itself.


_________________________________________________________________________
Maurice A. Robinson, Ph.D.           Assoc. Prof./Greek and New Testament
Southeastern Baptist Theological Seminary     Wake Forest, North Carolina
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~



From majordom  Mon Apr  8 11:54:31 1996
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Date: Mon, 08 Apr 1996 11:51:30 -0400
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Subject: Re: Syriac + it-k
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On April 6, 1996, Maurice Robinson responded to my post of 5 April by stating:


>In regard to assuming that sy-s + it-k or any other combination of
>versions presents a superior text -- whatever happened to the principle
>that the _Greek_ MSS are or should be the primary witnesses to the _Greek_
>NT text?  
>
>Versional and patristic evidence certainly can be of significance, and
>appeal can be made to their testimony, but such should never become
>primary evidence or even suggested to be such, in view of the quantity and
>quality of the Greek MS evidence we possess. 
>

It appears that Robinson has a preset view of how things are ("should never
become primary evidence or even suggested to be such");  I never say never,
for I am far too ignorant.  In passing I would note that, against Robinson,
one finds arrayed the names I listed in the 5 April post:  Westcott, Eb.
Nestle, Souter, Burkitt, C.H. Turner, A. Voeoebus.  Such a list is not
exactly bad company....  But of course, one should be concerned with
evidence, not who supports what position....

Robinson also gives his reason as to why one should not turn to the
versions;  it is because of the "quantity and quality of the Greek MS
evidence we possess."  But numbers mean little, as we all know:  two copies
are made from an archetype, one with an error, and the other without the
error.  From the copy with the error, a thousand copies are made;  from the
copy without the error, no copies are made.  Of what use are numbers?  See
Paul Maas on the issue.  As to "quality," that, of course, is a judgement
call, upon which few will agree.  I agree that there is "quality" in the
Greek tradition:  look at Justin, Clement of Al., etc., if you want early
Greek citations....

Robinson asks "whatever happened to the principle that the _Greek_ MSS are
or should be the primary witnesses to the _Greek_ NT text?"  Answer:
Nothing--except in those cases, here and there, where the versions may
preserve an ancient reading.  Souter put it thus in an article on Hebrews
10.29 in _The Expositor_ 23 (1922), p. 135:  "...there is a salutary lesson
for all those who neglect the early versions.  _A reading may be right, even
if no single extant Greek MS. contains it_" (Souter's italics).  Whether
Souter is correct in this instance from Heb. 10.29 or not is not the issue;
the issue is whether, as a principle, he _could_ be right.  I would always
like to consider the evidence--_all_ the evidence--before making up my
mind....  Of course, if one _begins_ with the _a priori_ assumption that the
versions "never" (to quote Robinson) can preserve a reading anterior to the
extant Greek witnesses, then all this is irrelevant.

The logic behind paying attention to the versions (and the Fathers...) turns
not only on issues of weighing individual readings, but also on the _dates_
of their origin.  If our oldest full Greek MS of the NT is alaph, dating
from about 350, it must be pointed out (as I already have...) that UBS4
dates the two Vetus Syra MSS to the "third/fourth century" (p. 26*).  That
means they ANTEDATE alaph.  Even if one takes the traditional dating of
Syr-s as fourth cent., then it is co-equal with alaph in date.  In the Vetus
Latina, Codex Vercellinsis (_a_) is dated to the fourth cent., also a date
co-equal with alaph.  Then the question arises:  from what Greek base were
these versions translated?  Only one answer can be admitted:  from a Greek
exemplar OLDER than they are, i.e., from the early fourth or late third cent.

I close with three examples:

(1) at Jn. 4.27, the Greek reads "kai epi toutwi";  the 4th cent.+ Syr-c[s]p
reads instead "and while they were speaking", as does Vetus Latina MS _r1_
(7th cent.): "et in hoc sermone".  I pass no judgement on originality, but
note that this reading must have existed in a Greek MS before the 4th cent.,
although none preserves it now.

(2) at Jn. 13.9, Vetus Latina MS _a_ (4th cent.) interpolates post "caput"
"+ et totum corpus".  The same interpolation is found in both Oriental as
well as Western witnesses to the Diatessaron of Tatian (composed c. 170).
Now, while I have no position on baptism by immersion or by affusion
(sprinkling), there is evidence here in the non-Greek MS tradition that, at
one time, "and the whole body" (= immersion?) was in a Greek MS before the
fourth cent., and possibily as early as the middle of the second century (=
Tatian's source).

(3) at Mk. 12.14, the Greek reads "kenson" ("tribute/tax").  This is the
usual Greek word.  However, Greek Bezae (05, D;  5th cent.), Koridethi (038,
theta;  9th cent.), and MS 565 (9th cent.) read, in Greek
"epikephalaion"--"on [the] head", another word for "tax", given in BAG as
"poll tax", only in the NT here, and in these MSS.  Hmmm.  Then there is MS
_k_ in the Vetus Latina (4th [!!] or 5th cent.) which reads--against all the
other Latins (which read "tributum")-- "capitularium" ("caput" is
"head"...).  And then there is the Old Syriac Syr-s[c]p which read (in
Syriac) "kespha de-resha", or, literally, "money of the head".  Gee.  This
is a Semitism...  And we know it is from the 4th cent., at the _latest_,
because of Syr-s.  And it has survived in _later_ Greek MSS, but is _also_
present in a 4th cent. _Latin_ (!!) MS as well.  So the Greek exemplar from
which it came must have been from the 3rd cent.  And here, in this instance,
I _would_ argue that the main Greek tradition has been "cleaned up," with
the idiomatic Greek word ("kenson") being substituted for the more ancient
Semitism ("epikephalaion").  But this only becomes apparent when one looks
at the versions--and beyond the abbreviated and inconsistently-cited
apparatus of NA/UBS.

The text of the NT becomes significantly more complex if one takes seriously
the evidence of the Fathers and the versions.  Note the rhetoric against
them ("never", etc.).  Because I know so little, and am so ignorant, I
perfer to be guided by the evidence, not by rhetoric.  Collect the evidence
first, THEN come to conclusions.

Petersen--Penn State University



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Date: Mon, 8 Apr 1996 14:37:09 -0400 (EDT)
From: Maurice Robinson <mrobinsn@mercury.interpath.com>
To: tc-list@scholar.cc.emory.edu
Subject: Re: Syriac + it-k
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On April 8, 1996, William L. Petersen wrote:

[quoting Robinson]

>> whatever happened to the principle that the _Greek_ MSS are or should
>> be the primary witnesses to the _Greek_ NT text?

>> Versional and patristic evidence certainly can be of significance,
>> and appeal can be made to their testimony, but such should never
>> become primary evidence or even suggested to be such, in view of the
>> quantity and quality of the Greek MS evidence we possess.

>It appears that Robinson has a preset view of how things are

Robinson's view may be "definite" and even "rigid," but it did not come
about as a mere _a priori_ notion.  His view as quoted above reflects a
definite conclusion consistent with what most textual critics long have
held when considering the relationship between versional and patristic
testimony as opposed to that of the Greek MSS, even though others may
freely disagree.

I certainly utilize(and would be expected to utilize) my own principles
in a definite sense when applying my own praxis to textual criticism.
Every other textual critic does this when following his or her own
principles.  My previous exclusion of conjectural emendation also
reflects such an application of my own principles.

> In passing I would note that, against Robinson,
> one finds arrayed the names I listed in the 5 April post:  Westcott,
> Eb. Nestle, Souter, Burkitt, C.H. Turner, A. Voeoebus.  Such a list
> is not exactly bad company....  But of course, one should be
> concerned with evidence, not who supports what position....

I would also note in passing that to quote or cite those who reflect a 
view of textual criticism which basically favors an Alexandrian text 
(Voobus slightly to the contrary) is not germane to the position of 
those who might favor a Byzantine-priority position.  This is a 
text-critical substitution of apples for oranges, and I could just as 
easily add in Scholz, Birks, Scrivener, Burgon, Miller, Hoskier, Hugh
Pope, Bover, Hodges, Farstad, Pickering, etc.  All these names,
however, are irrelevant to the issue of how any single person chooses
to practice or theorize about NT textual criticism.


>Robinson also gives his reason as to why one should not turn to the
>versions;  it is because of the "quantity and quality of the Greek MS
>evidence we possess."  But numbers mean little, as we all know:  two copies
>are made from an archetype, one with an error, and the other without the
>error.  From the copy with the error, a thousand copies are made;  from the
>copy without the error, no copies are made.  Of what use are numbers?  See
>Paul Maas on the issue.

This is purely a red herring. The quantity issue regarding Greek MSS is 
cited only to demonstrate that in view of the wealth of Greek MS 
evidence there is no need to make versions primary; the mentioned issue 
of quantity is not brought up with a view toward determining the 
original text by genealogical methods but only to draw a parallel with 
the resources available to classical scholars who _are_ highly 
dependent on versional sources as well as conjectural emendation.  See 
Paul Maas again.

Further, the scenario mentioned becomes absurd in the extreme, and is 
like the arguments which favor conjecture: the assumption is that all
or nearly all Greek MSS at a given point have "lost" the original
reading, but somehow a single version or perhaps two (e.g., sy + it-k)
mysteriously escaped the otherwise universal corruption which affected
almost the entire Greek text as well as every other version and father.

The genealogical hypothesis Petersen states is the same as was claimed 
by Westcott and Hort when discrediting the Byzantine text -- but as 
Colwell long ago noted, _no one_ has ever stemmatically demonstrated 
that such "errors" ever occurred so as to permeate the thousands of 
Greek MS copies while only a very few Greek or versional or patristic
sources preserve the "original" text.

I prefer to stick with _normal_ probabilities, based upon _normal_
patterns of transmission, rather than extreme cases of supposition.
In this light, the quantity of Greek MS evidence we possess remains
eminently suitable for establishing the text of the NT.  Versional and
patristic data remain important, but their role is subsidiary and
confirmatory, and is not intended to overthrow Greek testimony.  This
position is basically that of most textual critics, so I do not stand
alone on this matter.


>Robinson asks "whatever happened to the principle that the _Greek_ MSS are
>or should be the primary witnesses to the _Greek_ NT text?"  Answer:
>Nothing--except in those cases, here and there, where the versions may
>preserve an ancient reading.

Since Colwell seems to be quite correct that virtually all sensible 
readings were created before AD 200, then _all_ readings are "ancient,"
and I would not disparage the versions or fathers in this regard.
Whether a given "ancient" reading is original, on the other hand,
remains an open matter.


>Souter put it thus in an article on Hebrews 10.29 in _The Expositor_ 23
>(1922), p. 135:  "...there is a salutary lesson for all those who
>neglect the early versions.  _A reading may be right, even if no single
>extant Greek MS. contains it_" (Souter's italics).

Since Souter can be dogmatic in his stance without being faulted, then 
I too should be allowed to be just as dogmatic, declaring Souter to be 
dead wrong in light of the converse: "A reading _cannot_ be right if it
is not contained in any single extant Greek MS."  Dogmatism cuts both
ways, and is entirely dependent upon the theory being espoused.


>I would always
>like to consider the evidence--_all_ the evidence--before making up my
>mind....  Of course, if one _begins_ with the _a priori_ assumption that the
>versions "never" (to quote Robinson) can preserve a reading anterior to the
>extant Greek witnesses, then all this is irrelevant.

On the contrary, I _do_ consult the versions regularly in order to seek 
out their degree of support for one reading over another.  They have a 
significant usefulness in supplementing the Greek MS data.  I only 
contend that, when the versions read something apart from the Greek MS 
data, the presumption is that they are unlikely to be correct, and 
thus that their influence becomes virtually nil at such points.


>UBS4 dates the two Vetus Syra MSS to the "third/fourth century"
>(p. 26*).  That means they ANTEDATE alaph.

The date of the MSS is not as significant as the date of the text they
contain.  I believe all will agree that the text of sy-s and sy-c stems
from at least the mid-second-century.  A text similar to that of Aleph
also probably goes back that far; and the text of B is basically
second-century as reflected in P75.  That the material on which the old
Syriac MSS themselves were written may antedate the material on which
Aleph or B was written does not in itself grant them any higher textual
antiquity or authority.

>Then the question arises:  from what Greek base were these versions
>translated?  Only one answer can be admitted:  from a Greek exemplar
>OLDER than they are, i.e., from the early fourth or late third cent.

This is fully granted, but the same question has to be asked regarding 
the old uncials -- Aleph did not miraculously spring into existence in 
the mid-4th century, but itself was copied from an earlier exemplar.  
The same can be said for B or A or D (which with its 5th-century date 
but a second-century text exemplifies the principle well).  I thus see 
no need why the old Syriac or it-a or it-k should be granted any 
text-critical preeminence over Greek MSS of identical or nearly 
identical date, or even over later Greek MSS which demonstrably reflect 
an earlier text, such as Theta and 565 to which Petersen appeals below.

>I close with three examples:

>(1) at Jn. 4.27, the Greek reads "kai epi toutwi";  the 4th cent.+ Syr-c[s]p
>reads instead "and while they were speaking", as does Vetus Latina MS _r1_
>(7th cent.): "et in hoc sermone".  I pass no judgement on originality, but
>note that this reading must have existed in a Greek MS before the 4th cent.,
>although none preserves it now.

(Not in N27, so don't bother looking; this well illustrates the point
of moving beyond UBS and Nestle when serious text-critical work needs
to be done).

The Latin reading _could_ have been rendered from a possible genitive 
absolute in a now non-extant Greek MS, and I would be the first to 
allow this possibility, though I would declare against originality 
since it is not found in extant Greek MS data, and also since the 
genitive absolute form is not common in John.  

However, the Syriac and Latin rendering could also reflect a smoother
_interpretation_ of "kai epi toutw" as they rendered the more abrupt
Greek into their own language -- this is another key reason why I would
not give much credence to versional readings otherwise unsupported by
Greek evidence.

>(2) at Jn. 13.9, Vetus Latina MS _a_ (4th cent.) interpolates post "caput"
>"+ et totum corpus".  The same interpolation is found in both Oriental as
>well as Western witnesses to the Diatessaron of Tatian (composed c. 170).

(Also not in N27).  This addition I see as an obvious gloss which
merely expands on Peter's already-exaggerated wish.  I see no reference
or allusion to either immersion or baptism by any mode intimated by
this addition, but merely hyberbole to emphasize the apostle's wish.
This gloss, though interesting, is obviously very early, but it enjoys
no Greek MS support, and therefore would not be regarded as authentic
by most textual critics.


>(3) at Mk. 12.14, the Greek reads "kenson" ("tribute/tax").  This is the
>usual Greek word.  However, Greek Bezae (05, D;  5th cent.), Koridethi (038,
>theta;  9th cent.), and MS 565 (9th cent.) read, in Greek
>"epikephalaion"--"on [the] head", another word for "tax", given in BAG as
>"poll tax", only in the NT here, and in these MSS.  Hmmm.

Is "kenson" (Mt/Mk) the usual Greek word, or is "foron" (Lk)?  Or are
both interchangeable?  It is interesting that scribes did not attempt 
to harmonize Lk with Mt or Mk regarding this word.

I have no problem in seeing D, which is tied to the Western Latinized
text having a Latin-based interpretation of "kenson" attached for
smoothness. It-d reads "tributum" with most other OL witnesses, but the
Greek D is not always tied to its parallel companion, even though both
appear in the same document.  Theta and 565, though late, are leading
representatives of the Caesarean text in Mark, and their reading is
presumed to be early, stemming from a common exemplar which
nevertheless seems to be different from either D, it-k, or sy.

It-k does offer a direct interpretation with "capitulum," as noted, but
even this may not reflect anything genealogical or stemmatic; rather,
both it-k and D may reflect the action of a scribe substituting a
synonymous (though more precise) term for the more general term.  Note
also that in context, Roman taxes in general were the referent, and not
one specific type of tax which might parallel the Jewish temple tax.

>And then there is the Old Syriac Syr-s[c]p which read (in Syriac)
>"kespha de-resha", or, literally, "money of the head".  Gee.  This is a
>Semitism...

Since Syriac is a Semitic language, I am not surprised that the 
translators of that tradition may have rendered it semitically.  But
the Syriac tradition similarly may reflect merely a reasonable
interpretation of "khnson" rather than any genealogical connection to D
or it-k, just as the Caesarean witnesses may independently have arisen
from an archetypical interpretative rendering in a common exemplar.

>And here, in this instance,
>I _would_ argue that the main Greek tradition has been "cleaned up," with
>the idiomatic Greek word ("kenson") being substituted for the more ancient
>Semitism ("epikephalaion").  But this only becomes apparent when one looks
>at the versions--and beyond the abbreviated and inconsistently-cited
>apparatus of NA/UBS.

Although these examples are interesting, I doubt whether anyone will
see a reason in any of the preceding instances to abandon the common
text preferred by _all_ schools of NT textual criticism.  The final
case of course, does have some Greek authority behind it, which
differentiates it in my opinion from the preceding two cases, but I
nevertheless find the case far less than compelling, since I simply do
not imbue even D or the Caesarean text with that great a degree of
authority when arrayed against the complete Alexandrian and Byzantine
traditions.  Since no other Greek NT editions follow in this regard
either, I can only that good reasons were held by other editors as well
to stay with the general consensus text rather than swiftly to adopt
seeming Semitisms in the manner of Matthew Black and C.C.Torrey.

>Because I know so little, and am so ignorant, I prefer to be guided by
>the evidence, not by rhetoric.  Collect the evidence first, THEN come
>to conclusions.

Since I consider myself even _more_ ignorant, I prefer in my simplicity 
to follow most textual critics on this point and to allow myself to be 
guided by the _Greek_ evidence first, with the versional and patristic
data as secondary resources.

_________________________________________________________________________
Maurice A. Robinson, Ph.D.           Assoc. Prof./Greek and New Testament
Southeastern Baptist Theological Seminary     Wake Forest, North Carolina
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

From majordom  Mon Apr  8 19:19:59 1996
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From: Don Wilkins <dwilkins@ucr.campus.mci.net>
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Stephen C Carlson wrote:
> 
> Richard K. Moore wrote:
> >Let us not forget, however, that by their own admission, one of the
> >principles guiding the editors of the NA26/NA27 text in the decisions they
> >took for the Gospels was a commitment to Marcan priority.
> 
> I'm curious to know whether Markan priority affected the determination any
> particular reading.  Does anyone have an example?

I did a quick-and-dirty browse of Metzger's commentary and came 
up with POLLA in Matt 9.14, which is absent from the Markan 
parallel (2.18). The question was whether POLLA was added by 
Matthew or by subsequent copyists, and the committee preferred 
the first option, while granting that POLLA does not occur  in Aleph 
(original hand) or B. Without the assumption of Markan priority, it 
would appear that the committee would have selected the second 
option.

From majordom  Tue Apr  9 11:50:59 1996
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From: schmiul@uni-muenster.de
Subject: Luke 12,58
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On Sat, 6 Apr 1996, Maurice Robinson wrote:

[quoting Schmid, quoting Robinson]

>>> The Byzantine reading reflects the literary, if not the >>>classical 
perspective.

>Oops!...If I wrote that, it was a "lapsus manus", and I must have >typed 
"Byzantine"  instead of "Alexandrian"; I confess scribal >error in that case (or 
maybe I became totally confused and >discombobulated). Please correct any 
assumptions based upon this >error...
> I think that even _I_ have to go back and re-read my own posts.

So happily the _source variant_ of the misunderstanding is identified which set 
off a chain reaction of misunderstandings.

Maurice Robinson further wrote:

[quoting Schmid]

>> The later textual transmission (incl. Byz.) 
>> gives a higher proportion of classical usage, with respect to 
>> the grammatical features under discussion, than the other >> witnesses. A 
preliminary glance at the 
>> INA clauses seems to point in the same direction.

>Kilpatrick in his article on Atticism in the Greek NT would differ
>strongly from that conclusion, since he finds the primary problem >in that 
regard within the Alexandrian rather than the Byzantine >text. 

The referrence to Kilpattrick's article on Atticism in the Greek NT is totally 
misleading here. Note, I referred to "the grammatical features under 
discussion", i.e. MH(POTE) + subj. vs ind., and to the "INA clauses" with the 
same variation. Kilpattrick did _not_ deal with this particular features in his 
article.

Nevertheless, Kilpattrick reviewed in his article (inter alia) the use of the 
optative. Since his reasoning on the optative subject can be paralleld with my 
own reasoning on the MH(POTE) + subj. vs ind. subject, I may quote Kilpattrick 
(c.f. _Neutestamentliche Aufsaetze. Festschrift Josef Schmid, Regensburg 1963_, 
p. 135): "In Ephesians there is fluctuation at these passages between DWI, DWH 
and DOI (i.17 DWI B 1739 Cyr, DWH cet., iii.16 DWI P46 aleph ABCFG,DWH DKLP psi, 
iv.29 DWI P46 aleph AB(K)LP, DOI D*FG). All these forms occur in hINA clauses 
and it is extremely unlikely that the writers intended an optative in any of 
them. This being so DWI seems to be the original reading and the variants to 
this may be attempts mistakenly to introduce an optative."

Note, in two out of three instances in Ephesians the _Byzantine text_ seems to 
display a tendency "mistakenly to introduce an optative".
Therefor, my own reasoning on the MH(POTE) + sub. vs ind. subject
(cf. Mt 7,6; 13,15; Mk14,2; Lk 12,58; John 12,40; Act 28,27; Heb 3,12): "The 
evidence I reviewed up to now points to only one conclusion: The later textual 
transmission (incl. Byz.) gives a higher proportion of classical usage, with 
respect to the grammatical features under discussion, than the other witnesses", 
not only still holds water, but is paralled by an other strikingly compelling 
"classical" feature of the Byzantine text.

Note, I do _not_ blame the Byzantine tradition for _not_ having altered every 
single reading where the subj. vs ind. and/or optative subjects are involved. I 
only try to assemble as many data as possible in order to get a most 
comprehensive picture. And, the data assembled up to now point to the conclusion 
I drew thereof.

Ulrich Schmid, Muenster

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Subject: Re: Synoptic source criticism
To: tc-list@scholar.cc.emory.edu
Date: Tue, 9 Apr 1996 14:57:39 -0400 (EDT)
From: "Stephen C Carlson" <scarlso1@osf1.gmu.edu>
In-Reply-To: <31693077.6B42@ucr.campus.mci.net> from "Don Wilkins" at Apr 8, 96 03:27:51 pm
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Don Wilkins wrote:
>Stephen C Carlson wrote:
>> I'm curious to know whether Markan priority affected the determination any
>> particular reading.  Does anyone have an example?
>
>I did a quick-and-dirty browse of Metzger's commentary and came 
>up with POLLA in Matt 9.14, which is absent from the Markan 
>parallel (2.18). The question was whether POLLA was added by 
>Matthew or by subsequent copyists, and the committee preferred 
>the first option, while granting that POLLA does not occur  in Aleph 
>(original hand) or B. Without the assumption of Markan priority, it 
>would appear that the committee would have selected the second 
>option.

Thanks for the example.  Upon reading this over, I just don't understand
how Markan priority fits into this.  The issue, it seems, that Aleph
and B are alone in lacking POLLA against the witness of the Byzantine,
Italic, Syriac, etc.  In order words, it looks like one of those places
where the joint testimony of Aleph and B could be wrong.  What I can't get
is how the assumption of Markan priority helps to confirm this over the
other option that everyone else is incorrect.

Furthermore, I noticed that Lk5:33 has a synonym, PUKNA.  What about the
possibility that it could be some kind of a harmonization to the meaning
of Luke?  If POLLA is original to Matthew, then the presence of PUKNA in
the Lukan parallel would tend to undercut one of the foundational arguments
for Markan priority: that Matthew and Luke do not know each other in Triple
Tradition except through Mark.  POLLA // PUKNA could be a counter-example.

Stephen Carlson
-- 
Stephen C. Carlson, George Mason University School of Law, Patent Track, 4LE
scarlso1@osf1.gmu.edu              : Poetry speaks of aspirations, and songs
http://osf1.gmu.edu/~scarlso1/     : chant the words.  -- Shujing 2.35

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Maurice Robinson wrote:
>The modern critical texts will have a tendency to claim more
>harmonizations of Mark to Matthew, which are attributed to a presumption 
>of Markan priority as well as to the fact that Matthew was the most 
>popular gospel in the early church.  The real reflection of the Markan 
>hypothesis would be seen in their internal evidence decision to follow a 
>non-Matthean or non-Lukan reading in Mark whenever the choice presents 
>itself.

If this is true, then I don't see why Markan priority (as opposed
to harmonizing tendencies) would be a good reason.  If we *knew* that
Mark was first, how does that help us establish which competing claim
to the text of Mark is stronger?  What Matthew may or may not have
changed is not relevant, because we don't know if Matthew followed or
departed from Mark in the first place.

Stephen Carlson
-- 
Stephen C. Carlson, George Mason University School of Law, Patent Track, 4LE
scarlso1@osf1.gmu.edu              : Poetry speaks of aspirations, and songs
http://osf1.gmu.edu/~scarlso1/     : chant the words.  -- Shujing 2.35

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In response to Maurice Robinson's post of yesterday (8 Apr, at 14:37):

Since it is so long, I shall not reproduce his text (or my text to which he
was responding), save in quotations for reference.  This response addresses
only what I see as our main points of disagreement.

(1) As to whether Robinson begins with an _a priori_ assumption, that I
leave to the readers of the list.  His assertion, to which I took exception,
was that "versional and patristic evidence certainly can be of
significance,...but such should never become primary evidence or even
suggested to be such, in view of the quantity and quality of the Greek MS
evidence we possess."

There are ONLY two ways I can see of arriving at a conclusion that one
"should never" use certain evidence as primary.  One is by having examined
every version at every variant, and having found NO single instance where
they might preserve a text superior to extant Greek witnesses.  Has this
been done?  If not, then the assertion is an _a priori_.  The second way in
which one might arrive at this conclusion is by doing a sampling, and then,
finding none, conclude that NOWEHRE in these traditions is there a reading
superior to the Greek.  This second way is obvious fallible, and is, to my
way of thinking, still an _a priori_.  The equivalent would be to say that
the Byzantine text should _never_ be used to reconstruct the most ancient
version of a text;  I would call that an _a priori_ as well--and one with
which I would disagree--for here and there it _might_.

Quite frankly, since Robinson has several other _a prioris_ later in his
post ("My previous exclusion of conjectural emendation also reflects such an
application of my own principles", and at #3 below), I don't see why he
should claim his absolute rejection of the evidence of the versions
("never") should not also be read as an _a priori_.

(2) Robinson states that the idea of a single MS preserving the original is
"absurd in the extreme."  He holds up for ridicule the idea that "all or
nearly all Greek MSS at a given point have 'lost' the original reading, but
somehow a single version or perhaps two (e.g., sy + it-k) mysteriously
escaped the otherwise universal corruption."  The problem is that textual
criticism is full of examples where one MS has preserved the "original"
reading, while the many have erred.  While this cannot be demonstrated on
the basis of the Biblical text (for no one knows what the original text
was--_pace_ those who think they do...), it can be observed in Classical and
other texts by looking at any apparatus.  I offer a single example, from the
Diatessaron.  At Lk. 24.37, the canonical text reads "pneuma".  We can,
however, reconstruct the reading of Tatian's Diatessaron through the
conjunction of Eastern and Western witnesses.  In the East, Romanos the
Melodist and the Persian Harmony read the equivalent of "fantasma", as does
MS R of the Venetian Harmony (in Middle Italian).  What is striking,
however, is that MS R is the ONLY MS of the 26 extant MSS of the Venetian
Harmony which reads "fantasima".  The other 25 read the canonical "spirito".
Only MS R--that is 1 MS out of 26--has preserved the Diatessron's reading.
The empirical evidence shows that the phenomenon of a single MS offering the
original text DOES occur.

(3) Robinson's logic appears faulty--and appears to err in a manner which is
self-serving--in the following, which I reproduce directly.  My original
text is first, followed by Robinson's reply:

>>Souter put it thus in an article on Hebrews 10.29 in _The Expositor_ 23
>>(1922), p. 135:  "...there is a salutary lesson for all those who
>>neglect the early versions.  _A reading may be right, even if no single
>>extant Greek MS. contains it_" (Souter's italics).
>
>Since Souter can be dogmatic in his stance without being faulted, then 
>I too should be allowed to be just as dogmatic, declaring Souter to be 
>dead wrong in light of the converse: "A reading _cannot_ be right if it
>is not contained in any single extant Greek MS."  Dogmatism cuts both
>ways, and is entirely dependent upon the theory being espoused.
>

The parallel Robinson seeks to create, and the charge of "dogmatism" he
levels against Souter, do not withstand examination.  Note:  Souter said, "A
reading MAY be right, even if no single extant Greek MS. contains it."  He
does not claim exclusivity (that ONLY readings in the versions, or SUPPORTED
by the versions, are "right").  Yet this is what Robinson would attribute to
him when he attempts to offer the "converse" of Souter:  "A reading _cannot_
be right..."   But, dear readers, that is NOT the "converse" of what Souter
said!  If one WERE to posit the converse of what Souter said, then one would
have to write, "A reading MAY NOT be right if it is not contained in any
single extant Greek MS."  That statement--like Souter's original
statement--is one to which I can assent.  (Souter is NOT dogmatic or
exclusivist;  whence comes this dogmatism in the inversion of his
statement???  It certainly doesn't come from Souter--or myself...  "Cannot"
and "never" are not found in my or Souter's statements...)

(3) Robinson continues with another _a priori_:  "...the quantity of Greek
MS evidence we possess remains eminently suitable for establishing the text
of the NT."  In general, I tend to agree, but would not exclude either the
Fathers or the versions, as Robinson would.  Note--lest I be treated as
Souter--I do not claim that the original text IS ALWAYS in the Fathers or
versions, much less ONLY in the Fathers or versions.  I say only that one
errs if one _commences_ by saying that they can "never" provide evidence
anterior to the extant Greek MSS.

(4) Later, Robinson makes a statement with which I, in general,
agree--although it contradicts his own "never" assertion.  He states "I only
contend that, when the versions read something apart from the Greek MS data,
the presumption is that they are UNLIKELY to be correct, and thus that their
influence becomes virtually nil at such points."  His word "unlikely" shows
what I consider appropriate caution:  "unlikely" does not mean "never" or
"cannot", and, indeed, allows that possibility that they MAY.  Thank you for
the concession!

(5) As to the examples I gave, of course Robinson must disagree that any one
of them  might preserve the most ancient form of the text.  (If one
subscribes to Byzantine priority, then it is all q.e.d.).  Of the three, as
I indicated, I would be inclined to argue only one as having greater
antiquity and "authenticity" than our present text, and that is the third
reading (re: Mk. 12.14, over "kenson" ["tribute/tax"] versus
"epikephalaion"/"kespha de-resha").  There are two points which--and here I
am not at all dogmatic--commend the reading _to me_.  First is its obvious
"roughness", harkening back to a Semitism.  This, then, is later replaced
with the "standard" Greek expression.  It seems to me (but perhaps not to
others...) that the rough, non-standard, Semitic diction precedes the
normal, standard expression.  The inverse seems highly unlikely.  Second is
that I cannot imagine how this IDENTICAL variant should show up in Greek,
Latin, and Syriac sources of the 4th cent. UNLESS it were part of a
primitive Greek tradition.  Because of the large numbers of "tri-lateral"
agreements (Greek, Syriac, Latin), the theory that the IDENTICAL variant
should have popped up "spontaneously" and "independently" in each, seems
very unlikely--at least to me.  This suggests to me that _in this instance_
the Syriac and Latin (and three Greek MSS) have preserved the most ancient
version of this passage, and that it has been lost in the vast majority of
Greek MSS.

I would also be inclined to view _sympathetically_ the second of the
readings I presented (re: Jn. 13.9, "+ and the whole body").  Here I am not
quite as inclined to write it off simply as an "obvious gloss," as Robinson
would (indeed, as he must, for otherwise Greek and Byzantine priority goes
out the window).  The reasons I am "sympathetic" to this variant are not
tied up in any grand scheme of NT textual priority, but are based on the
history of the early church and the variants offered in this single
variation unit.  Those who know me, know that I have a general preference
for the shorter reading.  That is one thing which hobbles me from embracing
this variant.  Nevertheless, two reasons give me pause, and leave me
uncertain:  First, the reading occurs in diverse, early sources.  The
likelihood that the identical variant arose "spontaneously" and
"independently" in the Diatessaronic tradition and MS _a_ seems unlikely.
If it stood in the Diatessaron, as the evidence of Romanos, the Pepysian
Harmony, and the _Vita Rhythmica_ suggests, then we can date the variant to
c. 170.  Its presence in MS _a_ shows that it circulated in the canonical
text, and that it must have been known before the 4th cent.  Second, it was
precisely during this period that immerson was the standard form of baptism
(see, e.g., the _Didache_ 7).  (N.B.:  Incidentlaly, this passage is
frequently cited in association with baptism by the early Fathers...THEY
understood it as being linked with baptism;  I am not concerned with what we
might think of such a link today....)  Now, while I am most certainly not a
Baptist, and while immerson was NOT the standard for the main Christian
tradition after this early period (until the Reformation, when it reasserted
itself in certain circles), I am not surprised to read in an early Christian
text that someone would have "no part in" Jesus, unless their "whole body"
were washed.  This fits with the historical practices of primitive
Christianity, NOT later Christianity;  the excision of this phrase, however,
agrees with later Christian practice.  Texts are always being "massaged"
(read, "corrupted") by well-intentioned people often seek to bring them into
conformity with the theology/practices of their own time (I think it is the
so-called "Living Bible" which translates John 1.1 as "In the beginning was
Christ, and Christ was God...").  Might the same have happened here?  I
think it is possible--but, because of the fragile nature of the evidence, I
would not give this reading the same weight I would the
"kenson"/"epikephalaion" reading.

The text of the NT is a mysterious, complex beast which, in my experience
(but perhaps not in that of others...) defies quick, dogmatic solutions.
And certainty is the rarest of commodities in this endeavor.

Petersen--Penn State University

                                                                       





From majordom  Tue Apr  9 20:32:53 1996
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Date: Tue, 09 Apr 1996 17:31:10 +0000
From: Don Wilkins <dwilkins@ucr.campus.mci.net>
Organization: UC Riverside
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Stephen C Carlson wrote:
> 
> Don Wilkins wrote:
> >I did a quick-and-dirty browse of Metzger's commentary and came
> >up with POLLA in Matt 9.14, which is absent from the Markan
> >parallel (2.18). The question was whether POLLA was added by
> >Matthew or by subsequent copyists, and the committee preferred
> >the first option, while granting that POLLA does not occur  in Aleph
> >(original hand) or B. Without the assumption of Markan priority, it
> >would appear that the committee would have selected the second
> >option.
> 
> Thanks for the example.  Upon reading this over, I just don't understand
> how Markan priority fits into this.  The issue, it seems, that Aleph
> and B are alone in lacking POLLA against the witness of the Byzantine,
> Italic, Syriac, etc.  In order words, it looks like one of those places
> where the joint testimony of Aleph and B could be wrong.  

While the committee's view of the weight of Aleph and B against 
the numbers of other mss has certainly shifted (it now seems to be 
politically incorrect to say anything good about Westcott and Hort), 
they still assign a very high value to the Aleph/B combination. So 
when you say "it looks like one of those places..." you are still 
suggesting a pretty remote possibility; indeed, that is why POLLA is 
bracketed.

>What I can't get
> is how the assumption of Markan priority helps to confirm this over the
> other option that everyone else is incorrect.

I'm not sure who you mean by "everyone else," but you may be 
misunderstanding me if you are referring to the group that includes 
the byz mss. The committee is cautiously preferring this group and 
conceding that Aleph/B may be wrong. This means that in the 
committee's reasoning (given the basic assumption that POLLA was 
"added"), it is more likely that Matthew is adding POLLA than later 
copyists, and therefore Matthew is choosing to modify Mark's text. 
One could of course argue that this reasoning begs the question of 
Markan priority by favoring it either way--since if Matthew agrees 
with Mark (and does not "add" POLLA) he is merely copying 
Mark--but then the reply will probably be that Markan priority has 
previously been established, so the logic used in determining the 
reading here is legitimate.

> Furthermore, I noticed that Lk5:33 has a synonym, PUKNA.  What about the
> possibility that it could be some kind of a harmonization to the meaning
> of Luke?  If POLLA is original to Matthew, then the presence of PUKNA in
> the Lukan parallel would tend to undercut one of the foundational arguments
> for Markan priority: that Matthew and Luke do not know each other in Triple
> Tradition except through Mark.  POLLA // PUKNA could be a counter-example.

As tempting as it would be to me to make such an argument, the 
fatal flaw is in your phrase "some kind of a harmonization". While 
PUKNA is somewhat synonomous, it is an unexpected word for the 
context and far too different from POLLA to be termed a 
harmonization at this level.  If Matthew is really trying to agree 
with Luke, he should use Luke's vocabulary.

From majordom  Tue Apr  9 22:23:41 1996
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From: DrJDPrice@aol.com
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Does anyone know of any Greek MSS that support the following
readings in the Authorized Version?

Acts 19:20--"the word of God" (AV) vs. "the word of the Lord" (Greek)
2 Tim 1:18--"ministered unto me" (AV) vs. "ministered" (Greek)
Heb 10:23--"profession of our faith" (AV) vs. "profession of our hope"
(Greek)

Thanks,
James D. Price



From majordom  Tue Apr  9 23:57:44 1996
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Date: Tue, 09 Apr 1996 20:28 -0500 (EST)
From: Wayne_Leman@sil.org
Subject: Re: AV readings
To: tc-list@scholar.cc.emory.edu, DrJDPrice@aol.com
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James,

    I'll simply pass on to you what is in my UBS3 and NA27:

Does anyone know of any Greek MSS that support the following
readings in the Authorized Version?  (YES)

    Acts 19:20--"the word of God" (AV) vs. "the word of the Lord" (Gr=
eek)

    the word of God: E, 88, 436, it(ar,c,e,gig,p) vg, cop(sa): that i=
s, not
    the greatest textual support, but some. The UBS3 committee gave "=
the word
    of the Lord" a C rating. Hopefully, someone with a UBS4 will chim=
e in.
    BTW, "the faith of God" is also attested in D, it(d) and syr(p).

     2 Tim 1:18--"ministered unto me" (AV) vs. "ministered" (Greek)

    UBS3: no mss listed for the AV reading. NA27: moi ("to me") is fo=
und in
    mss 104, 365, pc, it, vg(cl), and sy. Very poor textual support, =
indeed.

    Heb 10:23--"profession of our faith" (AV) vs. "profession of our =
hope"
    (Greek)

    UBS3: no mss listed for the AV reading. NA27: no mss listed for A=
V
    reading. Even Jay Green's TR doesn't give any ms support for the =
AV
    reading. Ellingworth's NIGTC commentary briefly notes that pistew=
s "of
    the faith" is supported by mss =ED (Psi, if it doesn't show up on=
 your
    screen, a late uncial, located at Athos), 1245, and 1898. Very sl=
im
    support.

    --Wayne

Thanks,
James D. Price




From majordom  Wed Apr 10 00:41:17 1996
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Subject: Re: AV readings
To: tc-list@scholar.cc.emory.edu
Date: Wed, 10 Apr 1996 00:38:25 -0400 (EDT)
From: "Stephen C Carlson" <scarlso1@osf1.gmu.edu>
In-Reply-To: <01I3CRWVD9LY001XE5@SIL.ORG> from "Wayne_Leman@sil.org" at Apr 9, 96 08:28:00 pm
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Wayne_Leman@sil.org wrote:
>    Acts 19:20--"the word of God" (AV) vs. "the word of the Lord" (Greek)
>
>    the word of God: E, 88, 436, it(ar,c,e,gig,p) vg, cop(sa): that is, not
>    the greatest textual support, but some. The UBS3 committee gave " the word
>    of the Lord" a C rating. Hopefully, someone with a UBS4 will chime in.
>    BTW, "the faith of God" is also attested in D, it(d) and syr(p).

In UBS4, it is now a B rating.  The evidence it presents is unchanged from
what you gave.  (Same for 2Tm1:18 & Hb10:23 examples: nothing new in UBS4.)

Stephen Carlson
-- 
Stephen C. Carlson, George Mason University School of Law, Patent Track, 4LE
scarlso1@osf1.gmu.edu              : Poetry speaks of aspirations, and songs
http://osf1.gmu.edu/~scarlso1/     : chant the words.  -- Shujing 2.35

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According to my NA27, the original hand of Sinaticus supports the reading
"our faith" in Hebrews 10:23


At 08:28 PM 4/9/96 -0500, you wrote:
>James,
>
>    I'll simply pass on to you what is in my UBS3 and NA27:
>
>Does anyone know of any Greek MSS that support the following
>readings in the Authorized Version?  (YES)
>
>    Acts 19:20--"the word of God" (AV) vs. "the word of the Lord" (Greek=
)
>
>    the word of God: E, 88, 436, it(ar,c,e,gig,p) vg, cop(sa): that is, =
not
>    the greatest textual support, but some. The UBS3 committee gave "the=
 word
>    of the Lord" a C rating. Hopefully, someone with a UBS4 will chime i=
n.
>    BTW, "the faith of God" is also attested in D, it(d) and syr(p).
>
>     2 Tim 1:18--"ministered unto me" (AV) vs. "ministered" (Greek)
>
>    UBS3: no mss listed for the AV reading. NA27: moi ("to me") is found=
 in
>    mss 104, 365, pc, it, vg(cl), and sy. Very poor textual support, ind=
eed.
>
>    Heb 10:23--"profession of our faith" (AV) vs. "profession of our hop=
e"
>    (Greek)
>
>    UBS3: no mss listed for the AV reading. NA27: no mss listed for AV
>    reading. Even Jay Green's TR doesn't give any ms support for the AV
>    reading. Ellingworth's NIGTC commentary briefly notes that pistews "=
of
>    the faith" is supported by mss =ED (Psi, if it doesn't show up on yo=
ur
>    screen, a late uncial, located at Athos), 1245, and 1898. Very slim
>    support.
>
>    --Wayne
>
>Thanks,
>James D. Price
>
>
>
>
>
Kevin W. Woodruff
Reference Librarian
Cierpke Memorial Library
Temple Baptist Seminary
Tennessee Temple University
1815 Union Ave.
Chattanooga, TN 37404
423/493-4252
Cierpke@utc.campus.mci.net


From majordom  Wed Apr 10 10:47:50 1996
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Subject: Re: Synoptic source criticism
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Date: Wed, 10 Apr 1996 10:44:56 -0400 (EDT)
From: "Stephen C Carlson" <scarlso1@osf1.gmu.edu>
In-Reply-To: <316A9EDE.457C@ucr.campus.mci.net> from "Don Wilkins" at Apr 9, 96 05:31:10 pm
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Thank you so much for your patient response.  I hope you (or someone else)
will indulge me one more time, because I'm still finding it difficult to
understand how Markan priority fits into Mt9:14.

Don Wilkins wrote:
>Stephen C Carlson wrote:
>>What I can't get
>> is how the assumption of Markan priority helps to confirm this over the
>> other option that everyone else is incorrect.
>
>I'm not sure who you mean by "everyone else," but you may be 
>misunderstanding me if you are referring to the group that includes 
>the byz mss.

What I meant by "everyone else" is the plethora or witnesses for
POLLA as opposed to its absence, according to my UBS4 is only 01*
B, a Coptic, a Georgian, and Cyril.  The POLLA reading is supported
by Byzantines, the Western text, the Syriacs, some Old Latins, and
families f1 and f13.

>             The committee is cautiously preferring this group and 
>conceding that Aleph/B may be wrong. This means that in the 
>committee's reasoning (given the basic assumption that POLLA was 
>"added"), it is more likely that Matthew is adding POLLA than later 
>copyists, and therefore Matthew is choosing to modify Mark's text. 

Here's the point I don't get: if POLLA stood in the autograph of
Matthew, then it is not "added": it was always there.  It would be
"omitted" by 01* and B.  If, on the other hand, POLLA did not stand in
the autograph, then it was added by almost every other witness.

>One could of course argue that this reasoning begs the question of 
>Markan priority by favoring it either way--since if Matthew agrees 
>with Mark (and does not "add" POLLA) he is merely copying 
>Mark--but then the reply will probably be that Markan priority has 
>previously been established, so the logic used in determining the 
>reading here is legitimate.

To me, Markan priority is of almost no help in establishing the text
of Matthew, because by definition Mark, being prior, does not know
the text of Matthew.  Perhaps, Markan priority can establish typical
Matthean redactions of its text, but POLLA in Mt9:12 does not appear
to be one of them.  POLLA is generally a Markan feature (almost 2/3
of the occurrences in the synoptics).

The assumption of Markan priority would seem to be the most useful
in establishing the text of Mark, for Matthew and Luke can be
considered two additional witnesses to it.  Except for modifications
that can be determined on redaction critical grounds, one doesn't
know whether a Matthean (or Lukan) reading in Mark is due to harmonization
(not original) or to Markan priority (original).

>> Furthermore, I noticed that Lk5:33 has a synonym, PUKNA.  What about the
>> possibility that it could be some kind of a harmonization to the meaning
>> of Luke?
>
>As tempting as it would be to me to make such an argument, the 
>fatal flaw is in your phrase "some kind of a harmonization". While 
>PUKNA is somewhat synonomous, it is an unexpected word for the 
>context and far too different from POLLA to be termed a 
>harmonization at this level.  If Matthew is really trying to agree 
>with Luke, he should use Luke's vocabulary.

I noticed last night that the first corrector to Aleph has PUKNA in
Mt9:12 as well as some Old Latins (how they can differentiate between
Greek synonyms or translation variants is beyond me).  I was surprised
that the apparatus to my UBS4 did not indicate any possible harmonization
to the Lukan parallel in the case of Aleph 1.

Stephen Carlson
-- 
Stephen C. Carlson, George Mason University School of Law, Patent Track, 4LE
scarlso1@osf1.gmu.edu              : Poetry speaks of aspirations, and songs
http://osf1.gmu.edu/~scarlso1/     : chant the words.  -- Shujing 2.35

From majordom  Wed Apr 10 11:36:44 1996
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Date: Wed, 10 Apr 1996 07:53 -0500 (EST)
From: Wayne_Leman@sil.org
Subject: Re: AV readings
To: tc-list@scholar.cc.emory.edu, cierpke@utc.campus.mci.net
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James,

    I also noted the Sinaiticus reading in the NA27 apparatus, but, a=
s far as
    I can see, it only refers to the inclusion of the Greek pronoun e=
:mwn
    "our", *not* the alternate "faith", rather than the strongly supp=
orted
    textual reading of "hope".  It makes sense to me that a scribe wo=
uld have
    added "our" to make the phrase read more smoothly.

          Blessings,
          Wayne

According to my NA27, the original hand of Sinaticus supports the rea=
ding
"our faith" in Hebrews 10:23


At 08:28 PM 4/9/96 -0500, you wrote:
>James,
>
>    I'll simply pass on to you what is in my UBS3 and NA27:
>
>Does anyone know of any Greek MSS that support the following
>readings in the Authorized Version?  (YES)
>
>    Acts 19:20--"the word of God" (AV) vs. "the word of the Lord" (G=
reek)
>
>    the word of God: E, 88, 436, it(ar,c,e,gig,p) vg, cop(sa): that =
is, not
>    the greatest textual support, but some. The UBS3 committee gave =
"the word
>    of the Lord" a C rating. Hopefully, someone with a UBS4 will chi=
me in.
>    BTW, "the faith of God" is also attested in D, it(d) and syr(p).
>
>     2 Tim 1:18--"ministered unto me" (AV) vs. "ministered" (Greek)
>
>    UBS3: no mss listed for the AV reading. NA27: moi ("to me") is f=
ound in
>    mss 104, 365, pc, it, vg(cl), and sy. Very poor textual support,=
 indeed.
>
>    Heb 10:23--"profession of our faith" (AV) vs. "profession of our=
 hope"
>    (Greek)
>
>    UBS3: no mss listed for the AV reading. NA27: no mss listed for =
AV
>    reading. Even Jay Green's TR doesn't give any ms support for the=
 AV
>    reading. Ellingworth's NIGTC commentary briefly notes that piste=
ws "of
>    the faith" is supported by mss =ED (Psi, if it doesn't show up o=
n your
>    screen, a late uncial, located at Athos), 1245, and 1898. Very s=
lim
>    support.
>
>    --Wayne
>
>Thanks,
>James D. Price
>
>
>
>
>
Kevin W. Woodruff
Reference Librarian
Cierpke Memorial Library
Temple Baptist Seminary
Tennessee Temple University
1815 Union Ave.
Chattanooga, TN 37404
423/493-4252
Cierpke@utc.campus.mci.net




From majordom  Wed Apr 10 11:42:06 1996
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From: HuldrychZ@aol.com
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Micah 1:1 in the MT reads "devar YHWH asher hayah"; while the LXX has "kai
egeneto logos kuriou".   Is it my imagination, or does the LXX seem to be
stressing the idea that the word of the Lord happened, while MT seems to
stress to whom it happened?

Thanks for your help.


Jim West

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The MT of Micah 1:2b  has "wihi adonay YHWH" while the Qumran text has "YHWH
adonay yihyeh".
It seems that this variant could easily arise from one or the other scribe
misreading his "waw" for a "yod" and vice-versa.

IS this likely, in your opinion(s)?

Thanks,

Jim West

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Wayne Leman wrote: 
>     I also noted the Sinaiticus reading in the NA27 apparatus, but, as far as
>     I can see, it only refers to the inclusion of the Greek pronoun e:mwn
>     "our", *not* the alternate "faith", rather than the strongly supported
>     textual reading of "hope".  It makes sense to me that a scribe would have
>     added "our" to make the phrase read more smoothly.

Correct.  I have a photocopy of Lake's photographic edition of 
Sinaiticus for this passage, and it reads "hope" (ELPIDOS) without 
variant; but "our" (HMWN) has been edited out in the usual way, i.e. 
with a dot placed over each of the four letters.

Dave
http://www.nyx.net/~dwashbur/home.html
"I've gone to find myself.  If I get back 
before I get back, please keep me here."

From majordom  Wed Apr 10 12:16:09 1996
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Jim West wrote:
> The MT of Micah 1:2b  has "wihi adonay YHWH" while the Qumran text has "YHWH
> adonay yihyeh".
> It seems that this variant could easily arise from one or the other scribe
> misreading his "waw" for a "yod" and vice-versa.
> 
> IS this likely, in your opinion(s)?

Which Qumran text are you looking at?  Though actually I only know of 
one, 1QpMic, published in DJD 1.  According to my records it pretty 
much follows the MT and most of the variants cited are based on 
proposed reconstructions.  Can you toss out a little more info?

To reply to your question, from what I have seen of WAW and YOD in 
the majority of the DSS, it's very possible.  The letters are written 
virtually identically, and in some instances they are absolutely 
identical (the Great Isaiah Scroll is a notable exception).  
Considering this, it's equally possible that the Qumran document 
actually reads the same as the MT and an editor mis-read it!
Dave
http://www.nyx.net/~dwashbur/home.html
"I've gone to find myself.  If I get back 
before I get back, please keep me here."

From majordom  Wed Apr 10 12:18:39 1996
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Date: Wed, 10 Apr 1996 10:15:51 -7
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Jim West wrote:
> Micah 1:1 in the MT reads "devar YHWH asher hayah"; while the LXX has "kai
> egeneto logos kuriou".   Is it my imagination, or does the LXX seem to be
> stressing the idea that the word of the Lord happened, while MT seems to
> stress to whom it happened?

I don't do much with LXX, but I think I would start by looking at how 
it translates similar phrases elsewhere to try and discover whether 
the translation was motivated by exegesis or grammar.
Dave
http://www.nyx.net/~dwashbur/home.html
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before I get back, please keep me here."

From majordom  Wed Apr 10 14:28:42 1996
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In a message dated 96-04-10 12:14:37 EDT, you write:

>Which Qumran text are you looking at?  Though actually I only know of 
>one, 1QpMic, published in DJD 1.  According to my records it pretty 
>much follows the MT and most of the variants cited are based on 
>proposed reconstructions.  Can you toss out a little more info?

I am relying on the apparatus of BHS.   I do not have DJD 1.

Jim

From majordom  Wed Apr 10 14:53:59 1996
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I wrote then Jim wrote: 
> >Which Qumran text are you looking at?  Though actually I only know of 
> >one, 1QpMic, published in DJD 1.  According to my records it pretty 
> >much follows the MT and most of the variants cited are based on 
> >proposed reconstructions.  Can you toss out a little more info?
> 
> I am relying on the apparatus of BHS.   I do not have DJD 1.

Foo.  Neither do I.  Can anybody else help us out here?  It's page 
77.

Dave
http://www.nyx.net/~dwashbur/home.html
"I've gone to find myself.  If I get back 
before I get back, please keep me here."

From majordom  Wed Apr 10 15:19:08 1996
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I don't think there is any significant difference in MT and LXX for
Micah 1:1.
          George Howard
          UGA

From majordom  Wed Apr 10 18:40:05 1996
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David Washburn wrote:

> Jim West wrote:
> > The MT of Micah 1:2b  has "wihi adonay YHWH" while the Qumran text has "YHWH
> > adonay yihyeh".
> > It seems that this variant could easily arise from one or the other scribe
> > misreading his "waw" for a "yod" and vice-versa.
> > 
> > IS this likely, in your opinion(s)?
> 
> Which Qumran text are you looking at?  Though actually I only know of 
> one, 1QpMic, published in DJD 1.  According to my records it pretty 
> much follows the MT and most of the variants cited are based on 
> proposed reconstructions.  Can you toss out a little more info?

Subsequent to this message it was clarified that we're talking 
about1QpMic.

Here's a report on what is to be found in DJD 1:

The reading yhwh )dny yhyh exists only in fragmentary form in the ms. 
 The first yod of the divine name is in a lacuna, as are the entirety 
of )dny and the first three letters, i.e., yhy, of yhyh.  Thus apart 
from the divine name most of the reading is a reconstruction.  There 
is a problem in relying on this reconstruction since the surviving 
letters of the divine name and the he from yhyh are on two entirely 
separate, small fragments.  Moreover, there is nowhere a physical 
join between the two fragments, and no intervening fragment to bridge 
the gap.

The fragment containing the divine name has characters in a line below 
it.  The only clear characters are the first two letters of a second 
occurrence of the divine name.  This is a reasonable reading since 
the letters are in archaic script.  The editor doubtless placed the 
fragment based on a calculation of line length and a realization that 
 using Mic 1:2-3 to reconstruct the text would fit the constraints.

On the other fragment, the one containing the he from yhyh, there is 
a following word, bkm.  Thus if the divine name in this ms is written 
in archaic script, bkm probably does not follow the divine name, 
making the reconstruction yhwh )dny yhyh bkm reasonable.

The difficulty comes in the weak link for the fragment containing the 
divine name.  Since the divine name occurs nowhere else in the 
extant fragments for 1QpMic, we do not know with certainty whether 
the document used archaic script for the divine name or not.

What would I conclude about this variant?  Well, I can see where the 
editors got their reconstruction, and they may have had some reason 
for associating the fragment with 1QpMic that we are now unaware of.  
Nevertheless, it seems a very weak basis for saying we even have a 
variant.

By the way, in this particular instance those with DJD 1 will want to 
consult the plates.  There is good reason to disagree with the 
editor's proposals about the boundaries of lacunae and the degrees of 
certainty in reading damaged letters.

Hope this helps.

All the best,
Rich Weis

*******************************************************************************
Richard D. Weis                                          rweis@rci.rutgers.edu
New Brunswick Theological Seminary        phone: 1-908-246-5591
17 Seminary Place                                       FAX: 1-908-937-8185
New Brunswick, NJ 08901-1196 USA
*******************************************************************************

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Richard Weis wrote:

> Here's a report on what is to be found in DJD 1:
> 
> The reading yhwh )dny yhyh exists only in fragmentary form in the ms. 
>  The first yod of the divine name is in a lacuna, as are the entirety 
> of )dny and the first three letters, i.e., yhy, of yhyh.  Thus apart 
> from the divine name most of the reading is a reconstruction.  There 
> is a problem in relying on this reconstruction since the surviving 
> letters of the divine name and the he from yhyh are on two entirely 
> separate, small fragments.  Moreover, there is nowhere a physical 
> join between the two fragments, and no intervening fragment to bridge 
> the gap.
> 
> The fragment containing the divine name has characters in a line below 
> it.  The only clear characters are the first two letters of a second 
> occurrence of the divine name.  This is a reasonable reading since 
> the letters are in archaic script.  The editor doubtless placed the 
> fragment based on a calculation of line length and a realization that 
>  using Mic 1:2-3 to reconstruct the text would fit the constraints.

> On the other fragment, the one containing the he from yhyh, there is 
> a following word, bkm.  Thus if the divine name in this ms is written 
> in archaic script, bkm probably does not follow the divine name, 
> making the reconstruction yhwh )dny yhyh bkm reasonable.

That makes sense.  BKM does follow yhwh in the MT, and the divine 
name occurs in verse 3, in about the right place to show up where 
you've described, based on a rough stichometry for the Cave 1 
scrolls.

> The difficulty comes in the weak link for the fragment containing the 
> divine name.  Since the divine name occurs nowhere else in the 
> extant fragments for 1QpMic, we do not know with certainty whether 
> the document used archaic script for the divine name or not.

Since it's possible to establish that it's also a Pesher 
(commentary), there may be no way to know if the apparent occurrence 
in archaic script is part of the biblical text or the commentary, 
either.

> What would I conclude about this variant?  Well, I can see where the 
> editors got their reconstruction, and they may have had some reason 
> for associating the fragment with 1QpMic that we are now unaware of.  
> Nevertheless, it seems a very weak basis for saying we even have a 
> variant.

It would be interesting to know whether anyone has done any more 
reconstructive work on this fragment since DJD1 was published.

> By the way, in this particular instance those with DJD 1 will want to 
> consult the plates.  There is good reason to disagree with the 
> editor's proposals about the boundaries of lacunae and the degrees of 
> certainty in reading damaged letters.

I found this to be true of the entire DJD corpus.  Of course, the 
fact that there *are* plates makes the series well worth dealing 
with.

> Hope this helps.

Definitely a keeper.  Thanks much!

Dave
http://www.nyx.net/~dwashbur/home.html
"I've gone to find myself.  If I get back 
before I get back, please keep me here."

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[long -- part 1 of 2]

William L. Petersen wrote on Tue, 09 Apr 1996:

>This response addresses only what I see as our main points of
>disagreement.

>(1) As to whether Robinson begins with an _a priori_ assumption, that I
>leave to the readers of the list.  His assertion, to which I took
>exception, was that "versional and patristic evidence certainly can be
>of significance,...but such should never become primary evidence or
>even suggested to be such, in view of the quantity and quality of the
>Greek MS evidence we possess."

Since other scholars follow this methodological principle, though 
differing in text-critical theory and practice, I fail to see that the 
supposition of _a priori_ is even addressed.  One need not "examine 
every version at every variant" before determining a basic working 
methodology. I doubt that most eclectic scholars have examined even all 
known _Greek_ MS variants at every point before proclaiming originality 
or at least a strong probability of originality for a text within a 
given variant unit or for their overall NT text as a whole.  One does 
not make _a priori_ assumptions in either case, but merely draws
conclusions based upon a sufficiently adequate examination of a
reasonable database of evidence.

It is as much of an _a priori_ claim to presume that in some unknown 
and as-yet uncited case there is a likelihood that versional testimony 
will be original over the vastness of Greek MS data we possess, even 
though the evidence continually points in the opposite direction.  What 
benefit therefore comes from working within a framework like that as 
opposed simply to maintaining its converse?

>The equivalent would be to say that the Byzantine text should _never_
>be used to reconstruct the most ancient version of a text;  I would
>call that an _a priori_ as well--and one with which I would
>disagree--for here and there it _might_.

Westcott and Hort basically held to that very position, and were rigid 
in their application of it.  Further, their theory was based upon a 
tightly reasoned argument regarding the age of MSS, the development of 
early texttypes, and the issues of conflation and harmonization as 
indications of the secondary nature of the Byzantine texttype.  Their 
theory as stated did not proceed from an _a priori_ basis (though their 
initial motives may have been a distrust of and opposition to the TR, 
as Colwell pointed out), and such a claim should NOT be alleged against 
their theory any more than against my own (note that I continue to 
regard their theory as superior to that of modern eclecticism, even if 
I do not accept their premises or conclusion, since they followed what 
I consider a proper methodology and strenuously worked out a history of 
transmission of the text before proceeding).


>Quite frankly, since Robinson has several other _a prioris_ later in
>his post ("My previous exclusion of conjectural emendation also
>reflects such an application of my own principles", and at #3 below), I 
>don't see why he should claim his absolute rejection of the evidence of 
>the versions ("never") should not also be read as an _a priori_.

By definition,  arguments made _a priori_ are axioms made in the 
absence of evidence, with no need of proof, and without taking data or
probabilities into account.  Were I merely to declare "MS B is the best
MS in the Gospels, and should be followed implicitly except in cases of
obvious scribal error," that would be a true _a priori_ statement.  

If I give _reasons_ for making such a claim, based upon a reasonable 
amount of examination of the data and drawing conclusions therefrom, 
the case is no longer _a priori_, but reflects the normal application 
of a hypothetical theory and implementation procedure.  On the specific 
issue at hand, from my own perspective, after looking long and hard at 
as much of the evidence I have been able to examine for over 25 years, 
I still see nothing therein which would move me to claim versional
superiority over the Greek data, especially when the versions stand
wholly apart from the Greek data.  Why this is somehow _a priori_, I do
not know, since no claim is made without having fairly examined the
extant evidence.

>(2) Robinson states that the idea of a single MS preserving the
>original is "absurd in the extreme."  He holds up for ridicule the idea
>that "all or nearly all Greek MSS at a given point have 'lost' the
>original reading, but somehow a single version or perhaps two (e.g., sy
>+ it-k) mysteriously escaped the otherwise universal corruption."

My statement of course is based upon a presumption regarding basic
transmissional history within which, apart from an extremely radical
dislocation (of which no record exists), the expected survival of the
autograph reading among the MS copies in the original language would
under all "normal" circumstances be expected.  For any piece of
literature, the probability that this is true statistically increases
as the original language database increases.  Since the quantity of
original language MSS is exceedingly large, there would be little
opportunity for _all_ such original-language witnesses to mysteriously
"lose" such an original reading, and this simply need not be postulated
or expected as part of a working hypothesis for textual restoration.
There is nothing illogical in maintaining such a presumption when
compelling evidence to the contrary does not exist.

>The problem is that textual criticism is full of examples where one MS
>has preserved the "original" reading, while the many have erred.  While
>this cannot be demonstrated on the basis of the Biblical text...it can
>be observed in Classical and other texts by looking at any apparatus.

Which makes my point precisely.  Those other traditions in secular, 
classical or other theological works are beset with innumerable 
text-critical problems, not merely reflected in a paucity of MSS in the 
original language, but in some cases restricted to works known only in 
versional translation.  Even Homer in Greek, with its approximately 600 
or so MSS, reflects problems unknown within NT text-critical circles,
including multiple recensions, a continuing "uncontrolled popular
text", and more text-types and sub-types than ever graced the MSS of
the Greek NT.  

In order for the principle to even begin to approach validity in the NT 
situation, compelling examples of versional or patristic originality 
when unsupported by the Greek MSS must be put forth and argued 
favorably in a manner more sufficient and convincing than can the 
reading(s) of the extant Greek MSS.  (Kilpatrick and Elliott on 
occasion have argued _contra mundi_ in favor of readings in even a 
13th-century Old Latin MS, but few if any have accepted their
conclusions in such cases).


>I offer a single example, from the Diatessaron....[discussion
>omitted]...  Only MS R--that is 1 MS out of 26--has preserved the 
>Diatessron's reading.  The empirical evidence shows that the phenomenon 
>of a single MS offering the original text DOES occur.

But once more, this does not apply to the NT MSS, but is related to the 
reconstruction of the Diatessaron -- a totally different work with its 
own transmissional history (aggravated by the declaration of Tatian to 
be a heretic and the forced suppression of his works).  Tatian's text 
basically has to be reconstructed almost entirely from versional 
evidence due to its history. (And I willingly defer to Petersen's
expertise in Diatessaron-related matters).


>(3) Robinson's logic appears faulty--and appears to err in a manner
>which is self-serving--in the following, which I reproduce directly.
>My original text is first, followed by Robinson's reply:

>>>Souter put it thus in an article on Hebrews 10.29 in _The Expositor_ 23
>>>(1922), p. 135:  "...there is a salutary lesson for all those who
>>>neglect the early versions.  _A reading may be right, even if no single
>>>extant Greek MS. contains it_" (Souter's italics).

>>Since Souter can be dogmatic in his stance without being faulted, then
>>I too should be allowed to be just as dogmatic, declaring Souter to be
>>dead wrong in light of the converse: "A reading _cannot_ be right if it
>>is not contained in any single extant Greek MS."  Dogmatism cuts both
>>ways, and is entirely dependent upon the theory being espoused.

I admittedly _was_ self-serving in that statement, merely to take the 
point to a _reductio ad absurdum_.  Not much is altered even if my
statement should be more cautiously rephrased as Petersen suggests,
i.e., "A reading is _not likely_ to be right if it is not contained in
any single extant Greek MS."  The only item missing in the "cautionary" 
form of the statement is a probability claim.  Since I have argued that
probability to be basically nil, then the stronger statement is no 
different from the more guarded statement, and that is all I intended.

>He [Souter] does not claim exclusivity (that ONLY readings in the
>versions, or SUPPORTED by the versions, are "right").

>Souter is NOT dogmatic or exclusivist;  whence comes this dogmatism in
>the inversion of his statement???  It certainly doesn't come from
>Souter--or myself...  "Cannot" and "never" are not found in my or
>Souter's statements...

Souter nevertheless remains dogmatic, even though "may" appears in his
original statement: when a hypothesis is expressed which is based upon
an uncertainty principle, the word "may" utterly and dogmatically
opposes any opposite notion that such could _not_ be the case.  To
express uncertainty in any given situation is to dogmatically claim
that statements to the contrary are to be considered erroneous.  E.g.,
"Scholars who agree with my views _may_ be right, even if no other
scholar should agree."

Neither I nor most of the "reasoned eclectic" scholars would argue 
against the weight proffered by strong or united versional testimony 
_in addition to_ their Greek support.  I know of no scholars who would 
ever claim in a blanket manner that versional testimony standing 
utterly alone should be the norm for determining the NT Greek text, 
and even Petersen would not claim such.

>(3) Robinson continues with another _a priori_:  "...the quantity of
>Greek MS evidence we possess remains eminently suitable for
>establishing the text of the NT."  In general, I tend to agree, but
>would not exclude either the Fathers or the versions, as Robinson
>would.

Please take note that I do _not_ exclude either versional or patristic 
testimony, and such is often quite useful in determining the original 
text where the Greek witnesses are divided.  My objection is _only_ to 
a claim that -- just as with conjectural emendation -- in light of the 
amount of data we possess, _all_ Greek witnesses should be suspected of 
"primitive error" to such a degree as to render either conjecture or 
the testimony of versional or patristic data standing alone as superior
to the Greek MS evidence we possess. There is nothing implausible or
unreasonable in holding to that type of objection, and it is not a 
mere _a priori_ declaration.

>I do not claim that the original text IS ALWAYS in the Fathers or
>versions, much less ONLY in the Fathers or versions.  I say only that
>one errs if one _commences_ by saying that they can "never" provide
>evidence anterior to the extant Greek MSS.

This is completely granted on your part, and I too will agree that a 
very large number of readings "anterior to the extant Greek MSS" can be 
provided by versional and patristic testimony.  This is _not_ the same 
as claiming that there are cases where versional and/or patristic 
testimony standing alone against the Greek MSS must be right and that 
all the Greek MSS must of necessity be wrong.  I say only that one errs 
in a different direction when he or she commences with a presumption of 
possible unreliability regarding the Greek MS data we possess, despite 
the quantity of available Greek MS evidence.  Two different theories,
two different perspectives.

[continued in part 2]

_________________________________________________________________________
Maurice A. Robinson, Ph.D.           Assoc. Prof./Greek and New Testament
Southeastern Baptist Theological Seminary     Wake Forest, North Carolina
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

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From: Maurice Robinson <mrobinsn@mercury.interpath.com>
To: tc-list@scholar.cc.emory.edu
Subject: Re: Syriac + it-k
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[long -- continued from part 1]

William L. Petersen continued writing on 9 Apr 1996:

>(4) Later, Robinson makes a statement with which I, in general,
>agree--although it contradicts his own "never" assertion.  He states "I
>only contend that, when the versions read something apart from the
>Greek MS data, the presumption is that they are UNLIKELY to be correct,
>and thus that their influence becomes virtually nil at such points."
>His word "unlikely" shows what I consider appropriate caution:
>"unlikely" does not mean "never" or "cannot", and, indeed, allows that
>possibility that they MAY.  Thank you for the concession!

I do not consider it a concession at all.  If one for the sake of 
argument begins with that presumption, but after examining the 
versional and patristic evidence and finding it wanting in regard to 
any significant examples of such, the matter of "becoming nil" takes 
precedence, and from then on functions as the working principle.  
A dogmatic opposition to the likelihood of versional or patristic
testimony being original when opposed entirely to the Greek evidence is
merely a logical conclusion which follows from testing the original
hypothesis.

I am still waiting to see the _first_ versional or patristic readings 
which _must_ be considered original in opposition to the united 
testimony of the Greek MSS, just as I am waiting to see the first 
conjecture which _must_ be original in a similar situation.  In every 
case yet proposed, I still see a more reasonable explanation in support 
of readings found in Greek MSS as opposed to the isolated versional, 
patristic, or conjectural testimonies.  The "uncertainty principle" 
might appear nice in theory, but it is severely wanting in practice.


>(5) As to the examples I gave, of course Robinson must disagree that
>any one of them  might preserve the most ancient form of the text.

I did disagree, but so do all other Greek text editions; therefore it 
is NOT a matter of merely "subscribing to Byzantine priority" and 
having all else follow "Q.E.D."  Rather, at each of those points my own 
position merely falls into line with what most modern eclectics 
themselves would state in the given situation.  The particular reading 
of the Byzantine Textform is not the issue in such places, but the 
reading of virtually _all_ Greek NT MSS of all texttypes at a given 
point versus some isolated versional, patristic or conjectural
readings.


>Of the three, as I indicated, I would be inclined to argue only one as
>having greater antiquity and "authenticity" than our present text, and
>that is the third reading (re: Mk. 12.14, over "kenson" ["tribute/tax"]
>versus "epikephalaion"/"kespha de-resha").

That reading also is the only one which possesses Greek support (D 
Theta 565 besides it-k sy) and therefore is not properly illustrative 
of the point under debate, viz., instances where versional and 
patristic testimony have NO Greek MS support. I still reject there the 
minority reading (as do the UBS/Nestle editors), but on grounds other 
than my "dogmatic" rejection of versional or patristic testimony when
standing alone.

>There are two points which...commend the reading _to me_.  First is its
>obvious "roughness", harkening back to a Semitism.

The seeming semitism of course may have been _created_ within the
Syriac version.  EPIKEFALAION is a common Greek term for poll-tax or
head-tax, seen in the Oxyrynchus papyri and elsewhere (cf. Liddell and
Scott or Moulton/Milligan), and no necessary suggestion of a semitism
should be made for the reading of the Greek witnesses (D Theta 565) in
such a case.  

That the Syriac could render the phrase as it did _may_ indicate that 
EPIKEFALAION was the reading in the Greek MS used as the basis of that 
version, but this is not necessarily the case, since, as I mentioned 
before, the Syriac phrasing may simply reflect a translator's
interpretation of KHNSON, just as I suspect occurred independently in
the case of D on the one hand and Theta 565 on the other hand.

>Second is that I cannot imagine how this IDENTICAL variant should show
>up in Greek, Latin, and Syriac sources of the 4th cent. UNLESS it were
>part of a primitive Greek tradition.

Were the reading EPIKEFALAION widespread among the Greek MSS and
versions, I would acknowledge some genealogical connection.  For it to
appear so infrequently among our extant data and among witnesses which
cannot otherwise be demonstrated to have true genealogical connections,
I cannot help but suspect independent creation of such a variant rather
than any intimate link.  

I obviously do not think there is a sufficient quantity of tri-lateral 
agreements between Greek, Syriac, and Latin, beyond what normally 
appears within the bulk of the text itself.  The Greek-Syriac-Latin 
principle of course somewhat reflects Hoskier's thesis, viz. that the 
autographs (or initial "canonical forms" of such) were originally 
tri-lingual: this according to Hoskier would then explain what I and 
others may see as "coincidences" as due to cross-contamination rather
than genealogy or descent; I don't buy Hoskier's hypothesis either.

>I would also be inclined to view _sympathetically_ the second of the
>readings I presented (re: Jn. 13.9, "+ and the whole body").  Here I am
>not quite as inclined to write it off simply as an "obvious gloss," as
>Robinson would (indeed, as he must, for otherwise Greek and Byzantine
>priority goes out the window).

Once more I object that in this case also my view merely accords with 
that of the UBS/Nestle editors and most modern eclectics.  There is no 
need to object that a conclusion here is biased merely due to a
Byzantine-priority viewpoint.  Only in those cases where there is a
distinct difference between the Byzantine and Alexandrian texttypes
will my particular transmissional views and theoretical application
differ from that of most modern eclectics.

>The reasons I am "sympathetic" to this variant are not tied up in any
>grand scheme of NT textual priority, but are based on the history of
>the early church and the variants offered in this single variation
>unit.

And I and most eclectics oppose the reading on the same historical 
basis as being what appears to be an obvious gloss, typical of orthodox
pious expansion.

>The likelihood that the identical variant arose "spontaneously" and
>"independently" in the Diatessaronic tradition and MS _a_ seems
>unlikely.

I do not doubt that the reading had its origin in some Old Latin 
"western" MSS like it-a; nor do I doubt that the Diatessaron was 
strongly influenced by "western" readings (its text had to come from 
somewhere!).  I would not argue independent development in the 
Diatessaron in this particular case, though I perhaps suspect that the 
added words might merely have been floating around in oral or sporadic
liturgical tradition.

>we can date the variant to c. 170.  Its presence in MS _a_ shows that
>it circulated in the canonical text, and that it must have been known
>before the 4th cent.

No problem with the dating, nor with a supposition that it was likely 
present and circulating apart from the Diatessaron during the second 
century, just as Colwell claimed for most all sensible readings, being 
created before AD 200.

>Second, it was precisely during this period that immersion was the
>standard form of baptism (see, e.g., the _Didache_ 7).

We Baptists have no problem agreeing with that *;-)

>(N.B.:  Incidentally, this passage is frequently cited in association
>with baptism by the early Fathers...THEY understood it as being linked
>with baptism;  I am not concerned with what we might think of such a
>link today....)

Tertullian appears to be the only ante-Nicene father who cites Jn.13:9, 
where it does make up part of a baptismal discussion (_De Bapt_.11).  
Peter desires to be "thoroughly bathed," and Tertullian makes the point 
that John the Baptist's original baptism of Peter was sufficient.

However, 13:9 with its Greek text mention of washing the hands and head 
in addition to the feet is specifically contrasted to the following 
verse (13:10) which speaks of those who have been _thoroughly_ bathed 
not needing to wash again. I suspect that the wording of Jesus' 
response in 13:10 may itself readily account for why a scribe or two 
might think it necessary for Peter himself to request a washing of his 
_complete_ body rather than stopping only with the head.  In other 
words, I see this as a very "logical" gloss, as well as an obviously 
secondary reading, regardless of whether baptism in any form might here 
be in view by any interpreters (and I note also the distinction in
13:10 between LOUW and the preceding uses of NIPTW, which might open 
the door for such interpretation).

>I am most certainly not a Baptist, and while immersion was NOT the
>standard for the main Christian tradition after this early period
>(until the Reformation, when it reasserted itself in certain circles),

And some of us got hung out in cages in Munster (how ironically fitting
within the context of this discussion!) for asserting such.

>the excision of this phrase, however, agrees with later Christian
>practice.  Texts are always being "massaged" (read, "corrupted") by
>well-intentioned people often seek to bring them into conformity with
>the theology/practices of their own time

In view of the more likely situation of the statement being thought
necessary by one or two scribes as a logical consequence of Jesus'
remarks concerning the "whole body" in 13:10, I totally fail to see the
plausibility of this reconstruction.  What the various modern eclectics
saw as they constructed the UBS/Nestle or other critical texts, I do
not know, but certainly they and I are on the same side in regard to
the rejection of this variant.

>(I think it is the so-called "Living Bible" which translates John 1.1
>as "In the beginning was Christ, and Christ was God...").

The infamous "Living Bible" which is not fit for either the church or 
the refuse heap as a decent paraphrase or representation of the word of
God (IMHO), renders John.1.1-2 as a unit, and far _worse_ than what you
quoted:

   "Before anything else existed, there was Christ, with God. He has
    always been alive and is himself God." [Ouch! to the rendering]

>The text of the NT is a mysterious, complex beast which, in my
>experience (but perhaps not in that of others...) defies quick,
>dogmatic solutions.  And certainty is the rarest of commodities in this
>endeavor.

Believe it or not, I completely agree with that statement.

_________________________________________________________________________
Maurice A. Robinson, Ph.D.           Assoc. Prof./Greek and New Testament
Southeastern Baptist Theological Seminary     Wake Forest, North Carolina
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

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On Tue, 9 Apr 1996, Stephen C Carlson wrote:

> Maurice Robinson wrote:

> >The modern critical texts will have a tendency to claim more
> >harmonizations of Mark to Matthew, which are attributed to a presumption 
> >of Markan priority as well as to the fact that Matthew was the most 
> >popular gospel in the early church.  The real reflection of the Markan 
> >hypothesis would be seen in their internal evidence decision to follow a 
> >non-Matthean or non-Lukan reading in Mark whenever the choice presents 
> >itself.
 
> If this is true, then I don't see why Markan priority (as opposed
> to harmonizing tendencies) would be a good reason.  If we *knew* that
> Mark was first, how does that help us establish which competing claim
> to the text of Mark is stronger?  What Matthew may or may not have
> changed is not relevant, because we don't know if Matthew followed or
> departed from Mark in the first place.

Which from my perspective is a good reason not to make too much of either
Matthean or Markan priority principles as I approach the text.  Presumed
literary dependence can be a bane rather than a blessing, as the
contradictory claims of various two-source scholars come to the forefront. 

Those who postulate a Mk + Q source for both Mt and Lk presumably will
view certain variants in light of their hypothesis to the exclusion of
others, and their text-critical decisions at certain points will 
therefore reflect those underlying hypotheses.


_________________________________________________________________________
Maurice A. Robinson, Ph.D.           Assoc. Prof./Greek and New Testament
Southeastern Baptist Theological Seminary     Wake Forest, North Carolina
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~



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From: Andrew  Gross <aqg3222@is.nyu.edu>
To: tc-list@scholar.cc.emory.edu
Subject: Re: Hebrew Bible TC
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On Wed, 10 Apr 1996 HuldrychZ@aol.com wrote:

> Micah 1:1 in the MT reads "devar YHWH asher hayah"; while the LXX has "kai
> egeneto logos kuriou".   Is it my imagination, or does the LXX seem to be
> stressing the idea that the word of the Lord happened, while MT seems to
> stress to whom it happened?


You are quite right in noticing the discrepency.  These represent two
common introduction formulae used for prophecies. 

For a few examples, compare the MT of Hosea 1:1, Zephaniah 1:1, and Joel
1:1, and you will see that they are all identical to Micah 1:1.  However
for each of these three, the LXX reads, "logos kuriou, hos egeneithei pros
PN". 

Now, if we look at the MT of Haggai 1:1, Ezekiel 1:3, and Ezekiel 3:16, we
see "hayah dvar YHWH" (or something close to it), and in every case it is 
rendered in LXX by "egeneto logos kuriou".

You're probably right to assume that the LXX translator had a different 
Vorlage of Micah before him than what we have in MT.

I'm not sure if I am entirely answering your question, because you also
seem to be asking whether or not these two varying formulae each had a
different force of meaning.  To be perfectly honest, I could see them 
occuring in free variation with very little difference in nuance, but I 
have not surveyed the uses of these formulae sufficiently to assert 
anything one way or the other.


Hope this helps,


andrew gross


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From: Maurice Robinson <mrobinsn@mercury.interpath.com>
To: tc-list@scholar.cc.emory.edu
Subject: Re: AV readings
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On Tue, 9 Apr 1996 DrJDPrice@aol.com wrote:

> Does anyone know of any Greek MSS that support the following
> readings in the Authorized Version?
 
> Acts 19:20--"the word of God" (AV) vs. "the word of the Lord" (Greek)
> 2 Tim 1:18--"ministered unto me" (AV) vs. "ministered" (Greek)
> Heb 10:23--"profession of our faith" (AV) vs. "profession of our hope"
> (Greek)

Von Soden gives the following for "God" in Ac.19:20 -- (Ia1 group) d5f 382
(ia2 group) 173 252-d459 (Ia3 group) d507, old latin (european, african in
hiatus).  Following Kraft, this translates to the Gregory-Aland MSS D E
915 623 1873 489 and 241.  There may be others, since p.1979 in the
prolegomena is also referenced by VS.  Tischendorf gives in his own
numbering scheme (D) E 21 73 106** k-scr vg sah-txt. I do not have the
minuscule conversion key for Tisch here, but I suspect some of the same
minuscules are indicated. 

In 2Tim.1.18, VS gives for the addition of MOI: (Ia1 group) 65; 
(Ia3) 64 216 d259 d505f bohairic Theodotion, and reading "EN MOI"
is (Ic1) 1436 and sy-h.  The Greek MSS here translate into 1836 1845 256 
330 69 and 462, with EN MOI in 2005.  Tischendorf gives (again in his 
numbering), 31 37 46 73 109 116 it-f it-g vg-cl ... syr-utr cop arm eth 
Theodoret Ambrosiaster and Pelagius, the Greek MSS of which may be 
identical to VS.

In Heb.10:23, PISTEWS is read in (H group) d6 (Ia1 group) 70 (Ic1 group) 
158, which translates to MSS Psi, 1898, and 1245.   Tisch. gives nothing 
on this point.

Hope this helps somewhat.

_________________________________________________________________________
Maurice A. Robinson, Ph.D.           Assoc. Prof./Greek and New Testament
Southeastern Baptist Theological Seminary     Wake Forest, North Carolina
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~


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From: Maurice Robinson <mrobinsn@mercury.interpath.com>
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On Wed, 10 Apr 1996, Kevin W. Woodruff wrote:

> According to my NA27, the original hand of Sinaticus supports the reading
> "our faith" in Hebrews 10:23

Not correct -- the original hand of Aleph does add "our", but the main 
text reading is ELPIDOS, which is "hope" and not "faith".  

_________________________________________________________________________
Maurice A. Robinson, Ph.D.           Assoc. Prof./Greek and New Testament
Southeastern Baptist Theological Seminary     Wake Forest, North Carolina
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

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From: Timothy John Finney <finney@central.murdoch.edu.au>
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Subject: MS copying simulation program
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I am putting the source code (named simmss.c) for the copying simulation
program I mentioned during the discussion on archetype and autographs on
the tc ftp site: 

ftp://scholar.cc.emory.edu/uploads

To make it run you need to download it to your area of the machine you use
with ftp. Then compile it (type cc simmss.c on a unix machine) then run
it (type a.out on a unix machine). Lots of the machines through which
you get your email will do this. 

Sometimes you will just get a line of ones, which means that the original
MS was killed or died before it got copied. Other times you will get about
ten rows of numbers, which needs some explanation. For now, ignore the
first row. The other rows are manuscripts. The first five numbers in each
manuscript are: 

1) /* Is daughter MS alive? 1 = yes, 0 = no */
2) /* Year copy made */
3) /* MS lifespan */
4) /* Parent MS number */
5) /* Daughter MS number */

Notes on these numbers:

1) This number will always be 1 in the mss the program selects at the end
of its run because it finishes by selecting 10 (or some other number you
can choose) living mss. 

4) and 5) These are unique numbers consecutively assigned to each copy
as the program makes it, starting with 1 for the original. 

The other numbers are the variants. The original was a line of ones, but
the copies can have other numbers besides one. The way this happens is
that there is a probability (which you can set) that any particular
variation unit will change to a different variant. All the program
does is increments the existing variant by one. The heart of the program
is a random number generator which determines whether a variant is
incremented, whether a ms dies or is killed in a particular year or
whether a copy is made of a particular ms, which must be living to be
copied. 

Now for the explanation of the first row: the first five numbers are
always 1. The rest are the maximum numbers that the respective variants
were incremented to in each variation unit by the end of the program's
run. 

You can change the parameters the program runs with by using a text editor
to change them in the source program, then compiling and running it again.
A number of the parameters are inverse probabilities. An inverse
probability of 20 variants copied means that the likelihood of a variant
being changed (i.e. incremented) is one in twenty variants copied. 

Every time the program runs it should do something different (except for
when the original is killed before copies are made). 

Two files will be found in the same directory as the compiled program
(a.out) after the program has run. One is called Extant, and is a copy of
the mss chosen at random from those still living when the program has run
its course. The other is History which is a running history of the copying
as it happened. 

You can look at these and edit the source code (to change the parameters)
using a text editor. If your machine has pine as a mail program, it may
also have pico, which is a text editor. If so, type pico simmss.c to
edit the source code or pico History or pico Extant to look at those two
files. 

Tim Finney
Baptist Theological College
20 Hayman Rd, Bentley WA 6102
Australia




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From: Timothy John Finney <finney@central.murdoch.edu.au>
To: tc-list@scholar.cc.emory.edu
Subject: Re: archetype and autographs
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In partial reply to the comments by Maurice Robinson on 4 Apr 1996
concerning the scenario I put forward for the assemblage of an archetype
of the Pauline Corpus, I offer the following:=20

It occurs to me that there is an important difference between the multiple
collections model of Maurice Robinson and the single collection model
which I reiterated (someone else must have already said it). The
difference is that the multiple model gives multiple independent early
witnesses to each component (i.e. autograph or copy of autograph), whereas
the single model does not. Therefore, the multiple model would, all other
things being equal, give a greater chance of recovering the autographs
than the single model, which would only allow recovery of its own
archetype which is the collection and not the autographs. So to answer the
question of the extent to which the autographs of the Pauline collection
are recoverable, it is necessary to decide between these models, if we
can.=20

I am indebted to Maurice for his quote of Tertullian (who was writing a=20
full century after the collection seems to have been made) which favours=20
the multiple model. Nevertheless, I venture to say that Occam's razor=20
favours the single model. (Occam's razor: The hypothesis which explains
the given evidence with the least (in number and difficulty) assumptions
is best.) I say that it is a lesser assumption that one person made the=20
collection than a number of people or churches acting simultaneously. A=20
kind of early canon would also be required for the multiple model,=20
otherwise one would expect different sets of Pauline Letters in different=
=20
MSS.

> My main argument against the single-corpus =3D archetype scenario is
> again transmissional: if errors existed in the corpus-archetype, why do
> they not exist among the extant MSS in significant quantity,
> transcending the various texttype limits?

Perhaps obvious primitive errors do not exist because they were corrected
by copyists who were used to correcting transcription errors. What happens
at the site of corruption is either a seamless correction, where the
intended text obvious, or =D4an explosion of variants=D5, to paraphrase the
Alands, where not it is not so. How did you correct my errors? The "=D4text
is obvious" in the first case, but did I intend to write "where not so"=20
or "where it is not" or "where it is not so"? (Actually, I intended to
write what I did.)

> First problem: what are the "primitive corruptions" and how does one=20
> authoritatively recognize them?  You cannot test a hypothesis without a=
=20
> standard of comparison, and I doubt any two textual critics would agree=
=20
> on a list of primitive corruptions for even Romans, let alone the=20
> entire Pauline corpus.

Yes, this is a problem. Yet F.F. Bruce was bold enough to list what he=20
thought may be a number of primitive corruptions in Hebrews.

Concerning the C program:

> Did you have a parameter included which would allow for a regular or=20
> almost regular process of cross-comparison and correction to occur,=20
> including a proviso that when the exemplar differed from the second MS=20
> used for correction, a third copy might be sought out in at least 50%=20
> of the cases.  If you can reprogram with that scenario included, I=20
> again would be interested in the results.

I a=D5m about to put the program on the tc ftp site. It is as I wrote it
without the suggested changes. There is a parameter that allows for
=D4correctins=D5 to be made, but not by comparison with otherMSS. The
suggestion to include a facility for MS correction by comparison is duly
noted, but will have to wait for more leisurely times.=20

Tim Finney
Baptist Theological College
20 Hayman Rd, Bentley WA 6102
Australia


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Subject: autographs and archetypes (Pauline Corpus)
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On Thu, 11 Apr 1996, Timothy J. Finney wrote:

>In partial reply to the comments by Maurice Robinson on 4 Apr 1996
> concerning the scenario I put forward for the assemblage of an
> archetype of the Pauline Corpus, I offer the following: 

>It occurs to me that there is an important difference between the
> multiple collections model of Maurice Robinson and the single
> collection model which I reiterated (someone else must have 
> already said it)...
> So to answer the question of the extent to which the autographs
> of the Pauline collection are recoverable, it is necessary to
> decide between these models, if we can...
 
> I say that it is a lesser assumption that one person made the 
>collection than a number of people or churches acting 
> simultaneously. A kind of early canon would also be required for
> the multiple model, otherwise one would expect different sets of
> Pauline Letters in different MSS.

[quoting Robinson:]

>> My main argument against the single-corpus = archetype scenario
>> is again transmissional: if errors existed in the
>> corpus-archetype, why do they not exist among the extant MSS in
>> significant quantity, transcending the various texttype limits?

I would like to comment on Timothy's argument concerning the "different sets of 
Pauline Letters in different MSS". Our extant Greek MSS display three points 
where there are differences with respect to the set of the Pauline Letters.
a) The first and major point of difference with respect to its dissemination is 
the position of Hebrews: partly after 2.Thess, partly after Philemon, at least 
once after both (minuscule 794), once after Romans (P46), two times totally 
absent (F G).
b) A minor point of difference with respect to its dissemination is the changing 
position of Eph Phil Col: only two times the position Eph Col Phil can be found 
(D minuscule 5).
c) Only P46 displays a canging sequence with respect to the position of Gal: Eph 
Gal Phil Col.

What conclusions can be drawn therof? 
1) Should we take it this way: There are _only_ three points of difference with 
respect to the sets of Pauline Letters in the extant Greek MSS tradition? 
Conclusion: If we favoured the multiple collections model, more points of 
difference should have been expected.
2) Or, should we take it that way: There are _at least_ three points of 
difference with respect to the sets of Pauline Letters in the extant Greek MSS 
tradition? Conclusion: If we favoured the single collection model, even three 
points of difference should not have been expected. 
3) Should the varying position of Hebrews be judged as due to "primitive error" 
with respect to the single collection model?
4) Or, should it be judged as indicating at least a two collections model?  

Ulrich Schmid, Muenster


From majordom  Thu Apr 11 07:39:17 1996
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In a message dated 96-04-10 18:48:19 EDT, you write:

>Here's a report on what is to be found in DJD 1:
>
>The reading yhwh )dny yhyh exists only in fragmentary form in the ms. 
> The first yod of the divine name is in a lacuna, as are the entirety 
>of )dny and the first three letters, i.e., yhy, of yhyh.  Thus apart 
>from the divine name most of the reading is a reconstruction.  There 
>is a problem in relying on this reconstruction since the surviving 
>letters of the divine name and the he from yhyh are on two entirely 
>separate, small fragments.  Moreover, there is nowhere a physical 
>join between the two fragments, and no intervening fragment to bridge 
>the gap.
>
>The fragment containing the divine name has characters in a line below 
>it.  The only clear characters are the first two letters of a second 
>occurrence of the divine name.  This is a reasonable reading since 
>the letters are in archaic script.  The editor doubtless placed the 
>fragment based on a calculation of line length and a realization that 
> using Mic 1:2-3 to reconstruct the text would fit the constraints.
>
>On the other fragment, the one containing the he from yhyh, there is 
>a following word, bkm.  Thus if the divine name in this ms is written 
>in archaic script, bkm probably does not follow the divine name, 
>making the reconstruction yhwh )dny yhyh bkm reasonable.
>
>The difficulty comes in the weak link for the fragment containing the 
>divine name.  Since the divine name occurs nowhere else in the 
>extant fragments for 1QpMic, we do not know with certainty whether 
>the document used archaic script for the divine name or not.
>
>What would I conclude about this variant?  Well, I can see where the 
>editors got their reconstruction, and they may have had some reason 
>for associating the fragment with 1QpMic that we are now unaware of.  
>Nevertheless, it seems a very weak basis for saying we even have a 
>variant.
>
>By the way, in this particular instance those with DJD 1 will want to 
>consult the plates.  There is good reason to disagree with the 
>editor's proposals about the boundaries of lacunae and the degrees of 
>certainty in reading damaged letters.
>
>Hope this helps.
>
>All the best,
>Rich Weis

Sir, 
It helps a great deal.  Your efforts on my behalf are genuinely appreciated.


Yours,

Jim West

From majordom  Thu Apr 11 09:39:46 1996
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From: "James R. Adair" <jadair@scholar.cc.emory.edu>
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The fact that Von Soden and Tischendorf (and I think also Swete) use
different ms identification schemes has been noted in a couple of recent
posts to the list.  Is there a single reference work that relates the
various schemes to one another (including Gregory-Aland and the two big
LXX editions), and in particular, is there an electronic version of such a
list?  Maurice Robinson mentioned Bob Kraft in regard to Von Soden's
numbers--can you give us more details, Maurice?  If there are different
numbering schemes in use for Syriac, Latin, or other versions, I would
also appreciate information on these as well.  I would like to create a
single reference list that ties them all together.  It would also be nice
if the contents of each ms were included in the description, so maybe this
could tie in with what James Tauber and others are doing with the
Electronic New Testament Manuscript Project. 

Jimmy Adair
Manager of Information Technology Services, Scholars Press
    and
Managing Editor of TELA, the Scholars Press World Wide Web Site
---------------> http://scholar.cc.emory.edu <-----------------


From majordom  Thu Apr 11 09:50:31 1996
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From: "James R. Adair" <jadair@scholar.cc.emory.edu>
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Tim Finney has supplied us with the source code for his ms copying 
simulation program.  Thanks, Tim!  I need to correct the URL, however.  
The program can be downloaded from ftp://scholar.cc.emory.edu/pub/TC/simmss.c
(it is not possible to download from the uploads directory that Tim 
mentioned).  If anyone else on the list has material related to textual 
criticism that they would like to share with others, feel free to upload 
it ftp://scholar.cc.emory.edu/uploads.  Then let me (or the list) know 
that it is there, and I will move it to the /pub/TC directory.

Jimmy Adair
Manager of Information Technology Services, Scholars Press
    and
Managing Editor of TELA, the Scholars Press World Wide Web Site
---------------> http://scholar.cc.emory.edu <-----------------


From majordom  Thu Apr 11 10:42:06 1996
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My mistake, sorry about that! I only looked for the sigla indicating an
insertion. At 1:30 AM I was sleep and careless. Mea maxima culpa!



At 01:21 AM 4/11/96 -0400, you wrote:
>
>
>On Wed, 10 Apr 1996, Kevin W. Woodruff wrote:
>
>> According to my NA27, the original hand of Sinaticus supports the reading
>> "our faith" in Hebrews 10:23
>
>Not correct -- the original hand of Aleph does add "our", but the main 
>text reading is ELPIDOS, which is "hope" and not "faith".  
>
>_________________________________________________________________________
>Maurice A. Robinson, Ph.D.           Assoc. Prof./Greek and New Testament
>Southeastern Baptist Theological Seminary     Wake Forest, North Carolina
>~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
>
>
Kevin W. Woodruff
Reference Librarian
Cierpke Memorial Library
Temple Baptist Seminary
Tennessee Temple University
1815 Union Ave.
Chattanooga, TN 37404
423/493-4252
Cierpke@utc.campus.mci.net


From majordom  Thu Apr 11 10:49:34 1996
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Date: Thu, 11 Apr 1996 10:46:38 -0400
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Regarding Maurice Robinson's two long posts in response to my reply to him,
I leave it to list readers to examine the evidence and decide.  I must,
however, take exception to one point in his post, namely that

>the word "may" utterly and dogmatically
>opposes any opposite notion that such could _not_ be the case.  To
>express uncertainty in any given situation is to dogmatically claim
>that statements to the contrary are to be considered erroneous.  E.g.,
>"Scholars who agree with my views _may_ be right, even if no other
>scholar should agree."

Robinson has failed, in my view, to make a distinction here between known
situations and unknown situations.  "May" is certainly inappropriate where
we have absolute knowledge to the contrary ("Trees _may_ not need oxygen or
light to live.").  But where we do NOT have absolute knowledge--and Robinson
admits that this is the case in the instance of the text of the NT (see the
last paragraph of his second post)--then _may_ is not dogmatic on Souter's
part, but is entirely appropriate, for _neither_ side can speak with
absolute certainty ("The time-space continuum _may_ be infinite.").  While
this is a subtle distinction, I'm sure it is not lost on this erudite audience.

P.S.:  As for being hung in cages in that beautiful university city of
Muenster, I would guess that those who _did_ the hanging _also_ had an
aversion to "may"... [ :-)]

Petersen--Penn State University.


From majordom  Thu Apr 11 12:29:49 1996
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From: broman@Np.nosc.mil (Vincent Broman)
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jadair@scholar.cc.emory.edu asked:
> Is there a single reference work that relates the
> various schemes to one another (including Gregory-Aland and the two big
> LXX editions), and in particular, is there an electronic version of such a
> list?

The Aland Kurzgefasste Liste has tables matching up
Gregory-Aland numbers with Von Soden numbers and Tischendorf numbers.
The IGNTP Luke volumes have a table with these three nomenclatures
for the MSS cited therein.
I have a table of Von Soden <-> Gregory numbers I found in
Gregory's Textkritik.

I am not aware of any such list in machine-readable form.
The IfNTTF in Muenster might have such lists,
but I doubt they would make such available to the public.


Vincent Broman             Email: broman@nosc.mil                    =   o     
2224 33d St.               Phone: +1 619 284 3775                  =  _ /- _   
San Diego, CA  92104-5605  Starship: 32d42m22s N 117d14m13s W     =  (_)> (_)  
___ PGP protected mail preferred.  For public key finger broman@np.nosc.mil ___

From majordom  Thu Apr 11 15:11:24 1996
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> The fact that Von Soden and Tischendorf (and I think also Swete) use
> different ms identification schemes has been noted in a couple of =
recent
> posts to the list.  Is there a single reference work that relates the
> various schemes to one another (including Gregory-Aland and the two =
big
> LXX editions), and in particular, is there an electronic version of =
such a
> list?
[...]
> I would like to create a single reference list that ties them all =
together.
> It would also be nice if the contents of each ms were included in the
> description, so maybe this could tie in with what James Tauber and =
others are
> doing with the Electronic New Testament Manuscript Project.=20

If you or someone else could produce even a partial list, I'd be more =
than happy=20
to incorporate the information in the ENTMP's manuscript database.

James K. Tauber

From majordom  Thu Apr 11 16:12:50 1996
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The text of this verse seems fairly straightforward.  Why, then, do some
translations have "on the second day"; or something like it.  There are no
variants which read "second day" are there?


Thanks,


Jim West

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Dear Maurice:
Thanks for the textual data from von Soden and Tischendorf. That's what I was
looking for.
Jim Price

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Date: Thu, 11 Apr 1996 19:20:36 -0400 (EDT)
From: Maurice Robinson <mrobinsn@mercury.interpath.com>
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On 9 Apr 1996, Ulrich Schmid wrote:

[quoting Robinson]

>>> The Byzantine reading reflects the literary, if not the
>>> classical perspective.

>>Oops!...If I wrote that, it was a "lapsus manus", and I must have typed
>>"Byzantine" instead of "Alexandrian"; I confess scribal error in that
>>case (or maybe I became totally confused and discombobulated).
>>Please correct any assumptions based upon this error...

>So happily the _source variant_ of the misunderstanding is identified
>which set off a chain reaction of misunderstandings.

Obviously so, and my fingers, which were not coordinated with my mind,
accept all blame.

>The referrence to Kilpattrick's article on Atticism in the Greek NT is
>totally misleading here. Note, I referred to "the grammatical features
>under discussion", i.e. MH(POTE) + subj. vs ind., and to the "INA
>clauses" with the same variation. Kilpattrick did _not_ deal with this
>particular features in his article.

This is granted; the issue under discussion was _not_ addressed by
Kilpatrick.  I cited Kilpatrick only as an example of one case where it
is maintained that the Byzantine text maintains a "normal" and
"earlier" Koine and does not follow the later revival of Attic
classical style whereas the Alexandrian text does.

>Nevertheless, Kilpattrick reviewed in his article (inter alia) the use
>of the optative. Since his reasoning on the optative subject can be
>paralleld with my own reasoning on the MH(POTE) + subj. vs ind.
>subject, I may quote Kilpattrick ...

        [quote omitted, but passages discussed below]

>Note, in two out of three instances in Ephesians the _Byzantine text_
>seems to display a tendency "mistakenly to introduce an optative".

I suspect the optative is original and reflects an earlier usage and
not a later one which would be adopted by Byzantine scribes in a period
when the fading optative would be more likely to be replaced by a more
current form of expression.  I.e., my contention is merely that the
Byzantine MSS preserve a more ancient form of text in those optatives,
a form which goes back to the original.

Despite Kilpatrick's grammatically-based argument, I believe 
that Eph.1.17, 3.16, and 4.29 can more readily be explained
transcriptionally without requiring grammar to be a primary
consideration:

E.g. in 1.17, the majority DWH is followed by UMIN.  The final -H could
have dropped out due to the blending of sequential vowels which were
pronounced similarly (as in modern Greek where no distinction remains
between H and U). The net result of such phonetic error could easily
be the minority DW reading.

In 3.16 (not in N27, but in Von Soden) we again find the majority DWH
followed by UMIN, where the same phenomenon may have repeated itself,
and thus DW might appear in a minority of MSS.

(It is peculiar that N27 reads DWH in 1.17 and provides variants, but
leaves DW without notice of variant in 3.16, even though there the
evidence is far more divided)

In 4.29 (also not in N27), the fluctuation between the majority DWi,
and the Western DOI is probably merely itacistic, and does not really
reflect a problem with the optative.

Now, one might also suggest that transcriptional probability might cut
both ways, and that an original DWi UMIN could phonetically be expanded
into DWH UMIN.  This is less likely, since to do so would require the
H/U sound not only to be phonetically held longer, but also to be
differentiated as parts of two separate words by the scribes.  It is
far easier to presume a phonetic blending and shortening of similar
sounds which would result in a single letter dropping out of the text,
but still producing a grammatically "correct" reading.

One further note which might be of significance regarding the first two
examples: since the iota subscript would not likely be written adscript
in most papyri and uncials, without the iota subscript, the Optative
DWiH otherwise looks like the alternate subjunctive form DWHi which
is functionally equivalent to DWi.  The potential for grammatical
confusion due to alternative form considerations needs also to be taken
into account, though I still prefer to suspect phonetic considerations 
as the root cause of the variants.

>Note, I do _not_ blame the Byzantine tradition for _not_ having altered
>every single reading where the subj. vs ind. and/or optative subjects
>are involved. I only try to assemble as many data as possible in order
>to get a most comprehensive picture. And, the data assembled up to now
>point to the conclusion I drew thereof.

And we still obviously differ in our interpretation of the evidence;
but this is only to be expected.

_________________________________________________________________________
Maurice A. Robinson, Ph.D.           Assoc. Prof./Greek and New Testament
Southeastern Baptist Theological Seminary     Wake Forest, North Carolina
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

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From: Maurice Robinson <mrobinsn@mercury.interpath.com>
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On Thu, 11 Apr 1996, Timothy John Finney wrote:

> It occurs to me that there is an important difference between the multiple
> collections model of Maurice Robinson and the single collection model
> which I reiterated (someone else must have already said it). The
> difference is that the multiple model gives multiple independent early
> witnesses to each component (i.e. autograph or copy of autograph), whereas
> the single model does not. Therefore, the multiple model would, all other
> things being equal, give a greater chance of recovering the autographs
> than the single model, which would only allow recovery of its own
> archetype which is the collection and not the autographs. 

This much is of course helpful to my own position, and I appreciate the 
slight nod in that direction.

> I am indebted to Maurice for his quote of Tertullian (who was writing a 
> full century after the collection seems to have been made) which favours 
> the multiple model. Nevertheless, I venture to say that Occam's razor 
> favours the single model. (Occam's razor: The hypothesis which explains
> the given evidence with the least (in number and difficulty) assumptions
> is best.) I say that it is a lesser assumption that one person made the 
> collection than a number of people or churches acting simultaneously. A 
> kind of early canon would also be required for the multiple model, 
> otherwise one would expect different sets of Pauline Letters in different 
> MSS.

Occam's Razor cuts both ways (a terrible pun), and I have myself argued 
that the hypothesis which offers the least amount of difficulties is that 
which should be presumptively favored.  

I can agree that, in the _absence_ of a recognized "canon" of Paul's
letters (disregarding theological or inspirational issues, but dealing
only with the primary issue of recognizing a basic "Pauline Corpus" as in
some way authoritative), the single model hypothesis would seem more
likely, and then the issue would become the date at which the single model
was created or collected, and how many intermediate steps may have
intervened between the autograph and that initial formation of the corpus
collection. 

However, if (as I obviously believe) the notion existed of some
"authority"  residing in the letters of Paul from the earliest stages or
very close thereto (as noted in e.g., 2Pet.3.15-16), then the multiple
model once more becomes the better hypothesis under Occam's razor.  If
there were an early concept of significance regarding Paul's letters, the 
Tertullian scenario becomes more likely than the alternatives, and it 
would be most logical for various churches to each secure their own 
copies of the Pauline epistles which were so recognized.  Although Paul 
certainly wrote other epistles, e.g. to the Corinthians and to the 
Laodiceans, either these were lost or destroyed, or for a significant 
reason they were not considered authoritatively Pauline or Pauline but 
not authoritative. 

Even within the single model hypothesis occurring at a later date, there 
would be no necessary reason why the one creator of the 14-epistle 
collection would suddenly be imbued with inviolability in the contents of 
that collection.  The text itself differs regarding texttype within the 
Pauline Corpus -- why could there not be multiple Pauline collections, 
some of which possessed only the longer epistles, some which contained 
only the prison epistles, some which included everything but the 
pastorals, and (especially) some which contained everything except Hebrews?
The single-model hypothesis does not prevent any of this from occurring, 
unless one desires to endow that original collector with infallibility 
which all churches subsequently recognized.   All in all, I still 
maintain that the multiple model not only best fits the historical 
situation, but also accords with the spread and development of texttypes 
within the Pauline Corpus without key errors spread among MSS of all 
texttypes, which should normally be the result if the archetype were 
founded at a point remote from the autographs.

> Perhaps obvious primitive errors do not exist because they were corrected
> by copyists who were used to correcting transcription errors. 

This once more argues from silence for primitive errors which underlay 
significant portions of the text but are not present in our extant MSS, 
versions or fathers (or, alternatively, not in our Greek MSS, but 
preserved in versional or patristic witnesses alone).  Under the single 
model created remotely from the autograph, it would become highly 
unlikely that errors which already permeated the later archetype of the 
corpus would be independently and systematically eliminated by all 
scribes of all texttypes.  Cross-comparison and correction can go so far 
as to restore the text of the archetype, but would be unlikely to go 
beyond that archetype (assuming that the archetype and the autograph were 
unidentical).

> How did you correct my errors? The "text
> is obvious" in the first case, but did I intend to write "where not so" 
> or "where it is not" or "where it is not so"? (Actually, I intended to
> write what I did.)

But in that case, there was _no_ primitive error, but what was actually 
intended, and which made sense within the context, though still liable to 
correction by later revisionists.  Genealogical study of MSS which are 
known to be closely related (e.g. f1 f13 f1424, F-G, etc.) always tends 
to find commonly-held errors among the MSS comprising such a group.  It 
would be asking too much to assume that the case of the Pauline Corpus 
would be so different from what we see elsewhere.

> Yes, this is a problem. Yet F.F. Bruce was bold enough to list what he 
> thought may be a number of primitive corruptions in Hebrews.

Bruce was a pessimist or an optimist, depending upon your point of view.  
I still want to see a place where _only_ the supposition of a primitive 
error can make sense out of the text we possess and where the existing 
text is otherwise incomprehensible or in utter error.


_________________________________________________________________________
Maurice A. Robinson, Ph.D.           Assoc. Prof./Greek and New Testament
Southeastern Baptist Theological Seminary     Wake Forest, North Carolina
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

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Date: Thu, 11 Apr 1996 20:19:16 -0400 (EDT)
From: Maurice Robinson <mrobinsn@mercury.interpath.com>
To: tc-list@scholar.cc.emory.edu
Subject: Re: autographs and archetypes (Pauline Corpus)
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On Thu, 11 Apr 1996 schmiul@uni-muenster.de wrote:

>I would like to comment on Timothy's argument concerning the "different
>sets of Pauline Letters in different MSS". Our extant Greek MSS display
>three points where there are differences with respect to the set of the
>Pauline Letters. 

>a) The first and major point of difference with respect to its
>dissemination is the position of Hebrews: partly after 2.Thess, partly
>after Philemon, at least once after both (minuscule 794), once after
>Romans (P46), two times totally absent (F G). 

>b) A minor point of difference with respect to its dissemination is the
>changing position of Eph Phil Col: only two times the position Eph Col
>Phil can be found (D minuscule 5). 

>c) Only P46 displays a canging sequence with respect to the position of
>Gal: Eph Gal Phil Col. 
 
> What conclusions can be drawn therof? 

This all is true, but does not necessarily say anything about the nature 
of the Pauline Corpus as a corpus.  It does say much about the manner in 
which the books within that same corpus might be re-ordered, just as the 
Gospels themselves may appear in the so-called "Western" order (Mt Jn Mk 
Lk), but without suggesting that the 4-gospel "corpus" was necessarily 
shorter or longer once it had come into general acceptance by the end of 
the first century (which implies that until the completion of John's 
gospel there probably was a recognized 3-gospel corpus circulating, and 
before Luke, a 2-gospel corpus, etc.).  But the order of placement within 
a corpus does not imply or indicate partial collections circulating 
independently at the same time as the 14-epistle collection.

> 1) Should we take it this way: There are _only_ three points of
>difference with respect to the sets of Pauline Letters in the extant Greek
>MSS tradition?  Conclusion: If we favoured the multiple collections model,
>more points of difference should have been expected. 

I would not think so, since I do not see mere order affecting whether 
churches would want to possess or distribute "incomplete" collections.

> 2) Or, should we take it that way: There are _at least_ three points of
>difference with respect to the sets of Pauline Letters in the extant Greek
>MSS tradition? Conclusion: If we favoured the single collection model,
>even three points of difference should not have been expected. 

Again, probably correct, if differences imply previous partial collections.
Since it does not seem that they do, then even the single collection 
model would continue to preserve the 14 epistles as a single collection, 
and order would not be an issue.

> 3) Should the varying position of Hebrews be judged as due to "primitive
> error"  with respect to the single collection model? 

Hebrews may also vary due to the later issues of canonicity applied to 
that book.

> 4) Or, should it be judged as indicating at least a two collections model?  

This I do not see at all as a logical deduction from the data.

_________________________________________________________________________
Maurice A. Robinson, Ph.D.           Assoc. Prof./Greek and New Testament
Southeastern Baptist Theological Seminary     Wake Forest, North Carolina
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~



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Date: Thu, 11 Apr 1996 20:23:57 -0400 (EDT)
From: Maurice Robinson <mrobinsn@mercury.interpath.com>
To: tc-list@scholar.cc.emory.edu
Subject: Re: ms identification schemes
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On Thu, 11 Apr 1996, James R. Adair wrote:

> The fact that Von Soden and Tischendorf (and I think also Swete) use
> different ms identification schemes has been noted in a couple of recent
> posts to the list.  Is there a single reference work that relates the
> various schemes to one another (including Gregory-Aland and the two big
> LXX editions)

Aland's _Kurzgefasste Lis=CB=C6=C2=CEDxl=FB=EA=E7

> and in particular, is there an electronic version of such a
> list?  Maurice Robinson mentioned Bob Kraft in regard to Von Soden's
> numbers--can you give us more details, Maurice?  If there are different
> numbering schemes in use for Syriac, Latin, or other versions, I would
> also appreciate information on these as well.  I would like to create a
> single reference list that ties them all together.  It would also be nice
> if the contents of each ms were included in the description, so maybe thi=
s
> could tie in with what James Tauber and others are doing with the
> Electronic New Testament Manuscript Project.=20
>=20
> Jimmy Adair
> Manager of Information Technology Services, Scholars Press
>     and
> Managing Editor of TELA, the Scholars Press World Wide Web Site
> ---------------> http://scholar.cc.emory.edu <-----------------
>=20
>=20

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Date: Thu, 11 Apr 1996 20:48:23 -0400 (EDT)
From: Maurice Robinson <mrobinsn@mercury.interpath.com>
To: tc-list@scholar.cc.emory.edu
Subject: Re: ms identification schemes
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On Thu, 11 Apr 1996, James R. Adair wrote:

> The fact that Von Soden and Tischendorf (and I think also Swete) use
> different ms identification schemes has been noted in a couple of recent
> posts to the list.  Is there a single reference work that relates the
> various schemes to one another (including Gregory-Aland and the two big
> LXX editions)

Aland's _Kurzgefasste Liste_ (1963) has a conversion section between not 
only von Soden and Gregory-Aland numbers, but Tischendorf and 
Greg.-Aland, and Scrivener and Greg.-Aland. (Other very early editions 
are also included, but are basically no longer relevant). The new edition 
of the _K.Liste_ will presumably have the same conversion data.  Perhaps 
Ulrich can confirm this?

> and in particular, is there an electronic version of such a
> list?  

I'll bet they have one in Muenster *;-)  Question is, will they permit 
uploading it for scholarly purposes to scholar.cc.emory.edu for the 
benefit of participants of this list?  Since the list is factual data 
which can only convert numbers correctly in one way, it could be 
legitimately typed in by any enterprising individual and uploaded, but 
this will entail a good deal of work.  Perhaps some of our Muenster 
friends can help pull some strings in this regard?  Otherwise, I probably 
could enlist a student volunteer or two to accomplish the task; but it 
would certainly be nicer to obtain this with the blessing of the Aland 
Institut. 

> Maurice Robinson mentioned Bob Kraft in regard to Von Soden's
> numbers--can you give us more details, Maurice?  

Benedikt Kraft.  _Die Zeichen fuer die wichtigeren Handschriften des 
griechischen Neuen Testaments_, 3rd ed. (Freiburg: Herder, 1955).  The 
actual conversion data from Von Soden to Gregory also appear in that 
work.  Again, the bare factual conversion data could freely be 
reproduced, since facts themselves are not regarded as copyrightable; 
also, the groupings of MSS as presented in Kraft are merely following Von 
Soden's original order, which dates to 1911 and is public domain in this 
country.

There is also Friedrich Krueger's _Schluessel zu Von Soden's Die Schriften
des Neuen Testaments (Goettingen: Vandenhoeck und Ruprecht, 1927) which
does the same as Kraft.  I have all of these available to me, as well as
von Soden's edition and prolegomena and Tischendorf's 8th edition.  All
who study textual criticism should have the conversion keys between the
numbering systems, and this can be provided if desired, though the best
alternative is still to see whether the Aland Institut would make
electronic listings available.  Otherwise, someone has to type a lot
(scanners would be problematic due to Greek letters, italics, and
subscripts etc. used in all the lists).

> If there are different
> numbering schemes in use for Syriac, Latin, or other versions, I would
> also appreciate information on these as well.  

The keys in the various Vetus Latina volumes should provide appropriate 
lists, I would think.  These also could come from Muenster or Beuron perhaps.

> I would like to create a
> single reference list that ties them all together.  It would also be nice
> if the contents of each ms were included in the description, so maybe this
> could tie in with what James Tauber and others are doing with the
> Electronic New Testament Manuscript Project. 

All this would be very helpful, and I certainly would endorse such to be 
compiled or supplied.

_________________________________________________________________________
Maurice A. Robinson, Ph.D.           Assoc. Prof./Greek and New Testament
Southeastern Baptist Theological Seminary     Wake Forest, North Carolina
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~


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Date: Thu, 11 Apr 1996 21:00:42 -0400 (EDT)
From: Maurice Robinson <mrobinsn@mercury.interpath.com>
To: tc-list@scholar.cc.emory.edu
Subject: Re: Syriac + it-k
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On Thu, 11 Apr 1996, William L. Petersen wrote:

> Regarding Maurice Robinson's two long posts in response to my reply to him,
> I leave it to list readers to examine the evidence and decide.  

I too will leave this matter (of whether "may" or the "uncertainty
principle" is appropiate) to the readers, who by now have all made up
their own minds and who probably think we are making mountains out the the
proverbial molehills. 

We still concur on the _extremely limited_ application of "may" in
relation to versions or fathers standing alone (which rarely occurs), or
in cases of pure conjecture (also infrequent).  Far too much of textual
criticism is based upon probabilities and speculation, but there is no
alternative.  We argue primarily from speculation based upon the extant
data, and the results of our arguement become dogmatic.  Some will presume
the uncertainty principle; others will reject it.  I only suggest that
one's working methodology continue primarily to reflect the data and not
become too far lost in hypothetical speculation. 

> P.S.:  As for being hung in cages in that beautiful university city of
> Muenster, I would guess that those who _did_ the hanging _also_ had an
> aversion to "may"... [ :-)]

When I was over there in 1989, I desperately sought for a t-shirt which 
read "This Baptist survived Muenster."  Didn't find it. *;-)

_________________________________________________________________________
Maurice A. Robinson, Ph.D.           Assoc. Prof./Greek and New Testament
Southeastern Baptist Theological Seminary     Wake Forest, North Carolina
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~


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Date: Thu, 11 Apr 1996 21:30:22 -0400 (EDT)
From: Maurice Robinson <mrobinsn@mercury.interpath.com>
To: tc-list@scholar.cc.emory.edu
Subject: Re: ms identification schemes
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On Thu, 11 Apr 1996, Vincent Broman wrote:

> The Aland Kurzgefasste Liste has tables matching up
> Gregory-Aland numbers with Von Soden numbers and Tischendorf numbers.
> The IGNTP Luke volumes have a table with these three nomenclatures
> for the MSS cited therein.
> I have a table of Von Soden <-> Gregory numbers I found in
> Gregory's Textkritik.

I believe there have been some changes to the Gregory numbers under 
Aland's administration of them, and therefore would not utilize Gregory 
directly.  The K.Liste is still the best source overall.

> I am not aware of any such list in machine-readable form.
> The IfNTTF in Muenster might have such lists,
> but I doubt they would make such available to the public.

I was not so pessimistic on this point, since the conversion list is a 
simple table of factual data, with no originality concerned, and in this 
country, under the Supreme Court's "Feist" decision, facts remain 
non-protected by copyright.  Thus, I would hope that Muenster would 
kindly provide the conversion list for use by the scholars who frequent 
this list.  Otherwise, the list can be compiled (and if one worries about 
it, the antiquated and now public domain Gregory list can be made the 
basis, with corrections added in parentheses).

_________________________________________________________________________
Maurice A. Robinson, Ph.D.           Assoc. Prof./Greek and New Testament
Southeastern Baptist Theological Seminary     Wake Forest, North Carolina
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~


From majordom  Fri Apr 12 00:12:21 1996
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Date: Fri, 12 Apr 1996 00:09:28 -0400
From: DearPastor@aol.com
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To: tc-list@scholar.cc.emory.edu
Subject: Luke 24.51 and Acts 1.2
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I recently read a conjecture by a scholar that since Luke and Acts were
originally a part of one history when they were separated certain editiorial
changes had to be made.  This would mean the addition of "and was carried up
into heaven" in Luke, and the addition of "was taken up" in Acts 1:2.  The
only manuscript which omits both passages is D.  The original scribe of Aleph
leaves out the Luke 24:51 phrase.  That appears to sum up the manuscript
evidence (a Westcott-Hort non-interpolation).

I have a conjecture.  Aleph's columns are 12-13 characters in length, and,
depending upon whether or not the original's lines were of the same length,
the omission of 'and was carried up into heaven' is 25 characters in the
Greek.  Parablepsis from the kai in "and was carried up into heaven" to the
kai at the beginning of line 52 would explain it.  The corrector could have
easily put it in proofing from the same manuscript, but someone more familiar
with the info on the correctors of Aleph and their aproximate dates would
have to verify that, since UBS 3 does not give the corrector in this case.
 If nothing else, someone posting the approximate dates of the correctors of
Aleph, as well as which one may have been the responsible party here, would
be appreciated.

Any comments as to the readings of D being original or not, additional
manuscript evidence, or any comments on the correctors of Aleph would be
appreciated.

Mark Billington
Fayetteville, NC

From majordom  Fri Apr 12 01:58:42 1996
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Date: Fri, 12 Apr 1996 01:58:38 -0400 (EDT)
From: "James R. Adair" <jadair@scholar.cc.emory.edu>
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Subject: new leaves of Codex Sinaiticus?
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I seem to recall hearing recently (was it on this list?) that additional 
leaves of Codex Sinaiticus had been discovered at St. Catherine's 
monastery in the past few years.  Can anyone verify or deny this?  If 
true, have they been published?

Jimmy Adair
Manager of Information Technology Services, Scholars Press
    and
Managing Editor of TELA, the Scholars Press World Wide Web Site
---------------> http://scholar.cc.emory.edu <-----------------


From majordom  Fri Apr 12 10:52:14 1996
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Subject: Re: autographs and archetypes (Pauline Corpus)
To: tc-list@scholar.cc.emory.edu
Date: Fri, 12 Apr 1996 10:49:18 -0400 (EDT)
From: "Stephen C Carlson" <scarlso1@osf1.gmu.edu>
In-Reply-To: <9604111059.AA48616@mail.uni-muenster.de> from "schmiul@uni-muenster.de" at Apr 11, 96 01:00:05 pm
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schmiul@uni-muenster.de wrote:
>3) Should the varying position of Hebrews be judged as due to "primitive error" 
>with respect to the single collection model?
>4) Or, should it be judged as indicating at least a two collections model?  

How about the possibility that Hebrews was later independently added to 
Paul's letter collection in the single collection (10 or 13) model?  I am
intrigued by the suggestions of David Trobisch, PAUL'S LETTER COLLECTION:
Tracing the Origins (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1994), who holds that
the original collection of Paul's letters Rom-1Cor-2Cor-Gal was actually
compiled by Paul, himself.  After his lifetime, as parallels to other letter
collections in the ancient world show (e.g. Cicero's letters), other
letters, both genuine (e.g. Phil.) and spurious (e.g. Heb.), were added to
the Pauline corpus.

Stephen Carlson
-- 
Stephen C. Carlson, George Mason University School of Law, Patent Track, 4LE
scarlso1@osf1.gmu.edu              : Poetry speaks of aspirations, and songs
http://osf1.gmu.edu/~scarlso1/     : chant the words.  -- Shujing 2.35

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Date: Sat, 13 Apr 1996 16:51:08 -0400 (EDT)
From: Maurice Robinson <mrobinsn@mercury.interpath.com>
To: tc-list@scholar.cc.emory.edu
Subject: Gergesenes and tc
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In response to Don Wilkins' comment of 4 Apr 96:

After spending much time tilting on other topics, I finally can address
the Gergesene/Gadarene/Gerasense problem in the gospel text from the
pro-Byzantine perspective.  Lest anyone presume that the "majority
text" or Byzantine-priority viewpoint claims to offer a complete
solution to interpretative problems, I note the following:

In Mt.8:28 the Byztxt reads Gergesenes, Lect reads Gergesenes
In Mk.5:1  the Byztxt reads Gadarenes,  Lect reads Gergesenes
In Lk.8:26 the Byztxt reads Gadarenes,  Lect reads Gadarenes

The critical text in each case differs from the Byzantine/Majority
reading, giving the following minority preferences:

In Mt.8:28 N27 reads Gadarenes,  it-pl read Gerasenes
In Mk.5:1  N27 reads Gerasenes , Aleph-c L Delta Theta al read Gergesenes
In Lk.8:26 N27 (P75 B D it) read Gerasenes; however, UBS3 (following 
                      Aleph L X Theta Xi) had read Gergesenes.

Certainly the Byzantine text in each parallel does not resolve the
problem, and indeed, textual criticism seems unable to determine which
reading should be correct in any given case, regardless of the theory
underlying each approach.  Further, when the Lectionaries differ from
the continuous-text Byzantine MSS as in Mk.5:1, the problem is
compounded still further.

While the actual geographical location is problematic, there are two items
which appear most puzzling: 

(1) in the Byzantine Text of the respective parallels there was _no_
harmonization of names to produce a common locality as is commonly
alleged against Byzantine-era scribes;

(2) that a similar place-name confusion remains within the minority
readings as well as in the critical editors' decisions, but in every
case the Alexandrian or Western witnesses preferred a name variation
differing from the Byzantine text.

While localized dialects, lack of geographical knowledge, and other
factors certainly would have caused confusion regard to proper names (cf.
place names like Bethzatha/ Bethsaida), it is puzzling that the
non-Byzantine witnesses unitedly seem opposed to the Byzantine reading
(and vice versa) in every case, even though it is precisely the same
combination of names (Gadarenes/Gergesenes/Gerasenses) which are being
tossed about in haphazard combinations.  I admit perplexity over this
situation and what transcriptionally may have caused such ever to come
about. 

Specifically to William Petersen: can you help us sort out the specific
reading chosen by Tatian for the Diatessaron?  I would assume that the
event and the place name only occur once in that work, since it harmonized
all the parallels; yet according to UBS3, "Diatessaron-a" agrees with Byz
in Lk, "Diatessaron-p" agrees with Byz in Mk, but in Mt there is an apparent
split between a general "Diatessaron" favoring the critical text and
"Diatessaron-e" there reading with the Byz txt.  Please help us sort this
out, especially if the Diatessaron only recorded this event once.

To Don Wilkins, who wrote:

>I accept (by faith) the accuracy of the autographs and prefer the
>criteria of sound textual criticism (as stated by Metzger et al.) to
>the arguments of Burgon and Hodges, so I am left with a more difficult
>problem.

I only can ask, Don, in this case, what real difference does it make,
or what benefit is derived from following one text-critical theory over
another?  

The problem of different terms being used in the parallels remains in any
case, though it certainly would be tempting to resolve the whole thing by
preferring the N27 text in Matthew, and the Byztxt in Mk. and Lk., which
would make ALL parallels read "Gadarenes"!  Of course, neither I nor the
critical editors would do such a thing within the perspectives of our own
theories, but all of us would probably have been pleased had the scribes
simply done so centuries ago. 

_________________________________________________________________________
Maurice A. Robinson, Ph.D.           Assoc. Prof./Greek and New Testament
Southeastern Baptist Theological Seminary     Wake Forest, North Carolina
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

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From: Maurice Robinson <mrobinsn@mercury.interpath.com>
To: tc-list@scholar.cc.emory.edu
Subject: Lk.12.58 once more
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One more note regarding the Lk.12.58 future vs. subjunctive issue: in 
the latter portion of the Mt.5.25 parallel to Lk.12.58, Codex Bezae 
reflects the Byzantine inclusion of SE PARADW following O KRITHS, but
has the future PARADWSEI instead of the subjunctive PARADW.

Since a claim was made regarding "intrinsic originality" of the futures 
as opposed to the subjunctives in Lk.12.58, would anyone similarly 
desire to maintain that Matthew's original text should also retain the 
the future tense following MHPOTE?  Or is Bezae simply to be dismissed 
as an unreliable witness?

On the other hand, if the future of Bezae indeed were to be argued as 
the presumptive original form of the text in the Matthean parallel, 
what about the other subjunctives which remain unchanged?  Why could 
not "primitive error" be argued in Mt.5.25 which transcends all Greek 
MSS and thus allow the future tense to be conjectured where it is 
deemed necessary?  After all, D in one instance _does_ support the
future tense.

Let me also note in the Matthean parallel the fluctuations regarding 
the final BLHQHSH: D* there reads BLHQHSEI, D2 reads BLHQHS, and L 
reads BLHQEIS.  It seems that these fluctuations offer a parallel to 
that occurring in regard to the final word in Lk.12.58, where the 
variants include BALEI, BALH, BALLH, and BALLEI.

After comparing the great number of verbal fluctuations in the Matthean 
and Lukan parallels, I believe my previous judgement is confirmed: the 
problem is NOT a grammatical issue, but is purely a transcriptional 
matter.  Once more, I see no reason to depart from the Byzantine/ 
Majority reading in those places, since itacistic or other 
transcriptional variation in a minority of witnesses commonly occurs 
throughout the text of the gospels.  The presumptive evidence _still_
remains fully in support of the majority reading in such cases.

_________________________________________________________________________
Maurice A. Robinson, Ph.D.           Assoc. Prof./Greek and New Testament
Southeastern Baptist Theological Seminary     Wake Forest, North Carolina
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

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From: "Harold P. Scanlin" <73750.2016@CompuServe.COM>
To: "\"James R. Adair\"" <jadair@scholar.cc.emory.edu>
Subject: Re: Jn 9.37
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>From my personal experience working for UBS I may be able to shed some light on
the background of the Jn 9:38 issue.

I agree that, from a general text-critical perspective, this could be considered
a trivial variant.  But the original purpose of  UBS/GNT was to present the
evidence for textual variants that may affect translation, as evidenced by
existing translations or by translational-exegetical consideratoins likely to be
encountered in the translation process.

It could be argued, with some justification, that UBS/GNT1 strayed beyond these
guidelines.  I believe the committee felt (I wasn't around then) that there was
an interim need to include some variants that may not have been important to the
translator's task but were of general text-critical importance.  The evidence
was offered here since NA 26 had not yet been published.

In prepartion for GNT4, and with the availability of NA26 which was much fuller
than earlier hand-editions, it was decided to rigorously apply the basic
principles of GNT1.  Accordingly, I was asked to go through about a dozen major
Bible translation, Protestant and Roman Catholic, in several Indo-European
languages, to see what text-critical decisions the translators made.  This
information helped in the selection of the 270+ items that were added.  The
items which were dropped were considered translationally trivial, and the
student now has avialable NA26-27.

In the case of Jn 9:38, this variant enters into the translation of both NAB and
JB.  (I don't have NAB2 and NJB at hand to see if these revisions have made any
changes here.)  In practical terms, then, a translation team working on an
interconfessional translation and comparing their work with several major Roman
Catholic translations will encounter this variant and will benefit from the
display of evidence provided in GNT4.  The {B} rating provides the translators
with a way to measure the degree of conficence of the GNT editors and will
probably, thought not inevitably, lead the translators to follow the text and
not the variant.

Harold P. Scanlin
Consultant on Scholarly Editons and Helps
United Bible Societies
1865 Broadway
NY, NY 10023  



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From: "James R. Adair" <jadair@scholar.cc.emory.edu>
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Thanks to Bruce Morrill of the International Greek New Testament Project, 
the electronic files the project uses for collating John are available on 
the TELA ftp site (ftp://scholar.cc.emory.edu/pub/TC/john.tr and 
.../johnnums.tr).  These texts reflect the basic text of the 1873 
Oxford Textus Receptus, which is the collating base for the IGNTP project.

These files and others will soon be accessible from the home page of TC: 
A Journal of Biblical Textual Criticism (see URL below), as will a number 
of other new features, including our first articles!  Stay tuned.

Jimmy Adair
General Editor of TC: A Journal of Biblical Textual Criticism
------> http://scholar.cc.emory.edu/scripts/TC/TC.html <-----



From majordom  Mon Apr 15 17:23:32 1996
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From: HuldrychZ@aol.com
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Friends,

I am beginning a study of Qoheleth and am wondering if there are any
particularly glaring textual variants that you have noted.

Thanks for your help.


Jim West

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From: WFWarren@aol.com
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Tischendorf in his 8th edition used both the TR of the Elzivers and the
Stephanus TR.  The IGNTP uses the Oxford 1873 TR, while USB 4th uses the
Oxford 1889 TR edition.  Can someone help me to understand the differences in
these editions?  

Is the Oxford 1873 TR the same as Tischendorf's TR text, and if so, the same
as which of his TR texts (he differenciates between the two when they
represent different texts, and so it seems that the Oxford 1873 TR is the
Stephanus text, but I'm open to help on this one)?  

Also, how different is the Oxford 1889 TR from the Oxford 1873 TR?

Thanks,

Bill Warren
Professor of Greek and New Testament
New Orleans Baptist Theological Seminary

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I wonder what the reaction of the membership is to the orthography
of the first word in John 18:2 in NA26/27 when compared with the 
same word in UBS3/4. The fact that the NA editors have chosen NOT
to put the iota as a subscript with a capital eta makes me blink
everytime I see it. Has anyone ever run into an explanation for
why they chose to do this (aside from the fact that their font
would not support the subscript iota with a capital)? As far as I 
can tell this is the only time this happens (no capital omegas or
alphas which should have iota subscripts).

***********************************************************************
Dale M. Wheeler, Th.D.
Chair, Biblical Languages Dept                  Multnomah Bible College
8435 NE Glisan Street                               Portland, OR  97220
Voice: 503-251-6416    FAX:503-254-1268     E-Mail: dalemw@teleport.com 
***********************************************************************


From majordom  Wed Apr 17 14:16:44 1996
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The tc-list has been experiencing intermittent problems with mail 
delivery due to network problems at Emory University.  Emory is working 
on the problem, and we at Scholars Press are also doing all we can to 
ensure that everyone on the list receives every message.  If you think (or 
are sure) that you have missed some recent messages, you can send the message

get tc-list tc-list.9604

to majordomo@scholar.cc.emory.edu.  This command will send you _all_ of 
the messages so far posted to the list for the month of April (for March, 
substitute 9603, etc.).  Be aware that you will receive all of the 
messages separately in your mailbox, although you will be able to 
identify them by their original sending dates.  You can address any 
questions about the list to me directly.

Jimmy Adair
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    and
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---------------> http://scholar.cc.emory.edu <-----------------


From majordom  Wed Apr 17 15:34:01 1996
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Subject: new leaves of Codex Sinaiticus?
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Because of the mailing list problems we've been having, I'm re-posting my 
message from last week.

**************************************************************************
I seem to recall hearing recently (was it on this list?) that additional 
leaves of Codex Sinaiticus had been discovered at St. Catherine's 
monastery in the past few years.  Can anyone verify or deny this?  If 
true, have they been published?

Jimmy Adair
Manager of Information Technology Services, Scholars Press
    and
Managing Editor of TELA, the Scholars Press World Wide Web Site
---------------> http://scholar.cc.emory.edu <-----------------



From majordom  Thu Apr 18 15:19:12 1996
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Although I sent this message out yesterday, I suspect that few people 
actually received it.  If you have, I apologize for filling your mailbox 
with repetitive information.  However, I do have an update to the message 
below.  Emory University, unbeknownst to us, decided to do away with the 
computer that we have been using for the past year as our primary mail 
server.  We only found out about it accidentally, after spending a great 
deal of time trying to track down the problem.  We do think now that the 
problem may be resolved, so regular delivery of messages to all the 
subscribers to tc-list and tc-list-digest should resume immediately.  I'm 
sorry for the inconsistent delivery of messages over the past few days.

Jimmy Adair
Manager of Information Technology Services, Scholars Press
    and
Managing Editor of TELA, the Scholars Press World Wide Web Site
---------------> http://scholar.cc.emory.edu <-----------------


---------- Forwarded message ----------
Date: Wed, 17 Apr 1996 14:16:40 -0400 (EDT)
From: James R. Adair <jadair@scholar.cc.emory.edu>
To: TC List <tc-list@scholar.cc.emory.edu>
Subject: mailing list problems

The tc-list has been experiencing intermittent problems with mail 
delivery due to network problems at Emory University.  Emory is working 
on the problem, and we at Scholars Press are also doing all we can to 
ensure that everyone on the list receives every message.  If you think (or 
are sure) that you have missed some recent messages, you can send the message

get tc-list tc-list.9604

to majordomo@scholar.cc.emory.edu.  This command will send you _all_ of 
the messages so far posted to the list for the month of April (for March, 
substitute 9603, etc.).  Be aware that you will receive all of the 
messages separately in your mailbox, although you will be able to 
identify them by their original sending dates.  You can address any 
questions about the list to me directly.

Jimmy Adair
Manager of Information Technology Services, Scholars Press
    and
Managing Editor of TELA, the Scholars Press World Wide Web Site
---------------> http://scholar.cc.emory.edu <-----------------



From majordom  Thu Apr 18 15:19:44 1996
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Subject: new leaves of Codex Sinaiticus?
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Because of the mailing list problems we've been having, I'm re-posting my 
message from last week.

**************************************************************************
I seem to recall hearing recently (was it on this list?) that additional 
leaves of Codex Sinaiticus had been discovered at St. Catherine's 
monastery in the past few years.  Can anyone verify or deny this?  If 
true, have they been published?

Jimmy Adair
Manager of Information Technology Services, Scholars Press
    and
Managing Editor of TELA, the Scholars Press World Wide Web Site
---------------> http://scholar.cc.emory.edu <-----------------




From majordom  Thu Apr 18 17:59:45 1996
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From: wlp1@psu.edu (William L. Petersen)
Subject: Re: new leaves of Codex Sinaiticus?
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I'm not sure...  A missing folio of Syr-cur has, apparently, been found and
published:  D.L. McConaughy, "A Recently Discovered Folio of the Old Syriac
(Syc) Text of Luke 16,13-17,1," in Biblica 68 (1987), 85-88.  The folio fits
(size, text, paleography, etc.) exactly into a lacuna in Syr-c.  It was
found by McConaughy in the Deir el Suryan monastery in the Wadi el Natrun in
Egypt in November, 1985.

Is this what you're thinking of, or does someone else know of lost folia of
Codex Sinaiticus, as referenced in Jimmy's original post??

Petersen--Penn State University



>Because of the mailing list problems we've been having, I'm re-posting my 
>message from last week.
>
>**************************************************************************
>I seem to recall hearing recently (was it on this list?) that additional 
>leaves of Codex Sinaiticus had been discovered at St. Catherine's 
>monastery in the past few years.  Can anyone verify or deny this?  If 
>true, have they been published?
>
>Jimmy Adair
>Manager of Information Technology Services, Scholars Press
>    and
>Managing Editor of TELA, the Scholars Press World Wide Web Site
>---------------> http://scholar.cc.emory.edu <-----------------
>
>
>
>
>


From majordom  Thu Apr 18 19:14:27 1996
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Date: Thu, 18 Apr 96 16:11:02 PDT
From: broman@Np.nosc.mil (Vincent Broman)
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Subject: Re: new leaves of Codex Sinaiticus?
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The following was posted to b-greek a ways back.
Charlesworth saw the Sinaiticus leaves more than ten years ago.

______________________________________________________________________
From: "Bart D. Ehrman" <BARTUNC@uncmvs.oit.unc.edu>
To: New Testament Greek <nt-Greek@virginia.edu>
Subject: Codex Sinaiticus

   My recollection of a conversation with Charlesworth
from some years ago is that all of the "new"
leaves of Sinaiticus are from the Old Testament and that
there were no new NT mss discovered at the monastery.

-- Bart D. Ehrman, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill
______________________________________________________________________


The NA26 appendix, I think, lists some MSS as being at Sinai,
with unknown contents but numbers assigned.

The new Old Syriac leaf was added at the last minute to the IGNTP apparatus.

Vincent Broman             Email: broman@nosc.mil                    =   o     
2224 33d St.               Phone: +1 619 284 3775                  =  _ /- _   
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From majordom  Fri Apr 19 09:28:58 1996
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For the record, the 1975 discovery of MSS at St. Catherine's Monastery was
written up by Charlesworth in _The New Discoveries in St. Catherines's
Monastery: A Preliminary Report on the Manuscripts_ (ASORMS 3; ASOR, 1981).
In this report he reports, among other things, the discovery of at least 8
and perhaps as many as 14 leaves of OT portions of Sinaiticus, and numerous
NT, patristic, and other MSS.  NA27 lists several MSS from the discovery:
0278, 0279, 0281, 0282, 0285 [connected with 081, interestingly], 0289,
0291, 0292, 0293 [linked with 089, 092a], 0294, 0296.  The intervening
numbers not listed in NA27 are, apparently, also MSS from the same find, but
for one reason or another not worth reporting in NA27.  All those listed are
dated in NA27 from the 6th to the 9th centuries.  Overall, it appears that
the patristic MSS were of far more interest than the biblical materials.

I suspect that recent queries about "new leaves of Sinaiticus" are an
outgrowth of garbled and/or poorly- remembered references to this 1975
discovery?

I confess to not having good bibliographic control of material appearing
since Charlesworth's 1981 publication.  If anyone knows of bibliography
relevant to this discovery that has appeared since 1981, perhaps they could
post it to the list.  Has a catalog of the discoveries ever been published?
Also, if our Muenster colleagues can update us in any respect, that would, I
am sure, be appreciated by the rest of the list.


From majordom  Fri Apr 19 11:13:17 1996
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Subject:      Re: new leaves of Codex Sinaiticus?
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An addendum to Michael's informative post: James Bentley, SECRETS OF
MOUNT SINAI. THE STORY OF THE WORLD'S OLDEST BIBLE--CODEX SINAITICUS
(New Your: Doubleday, 1986) has a brief section on the 1975 find of mss.
                                       George Howard
                                       UGA

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Perhaps someone could help with the following regarding TR texts.  What is
the difference between the 1873 Oxford TR edition and the 1889 Oxford TR
edition?  Also, is Tischendorf's Stephanus text (I realize he prints both the
1550 Stephanus and 1624 Elzevir texts) the same as the 1873 Oxford text (I
suspect it is), or not, and if not, what are the differences?  

The background of this question relates to the use of collation information
from different sources, all supposedly based on the TR.  But if the TR texts
differ, then the collation information would need to be adjusted accordingly.
 For example, the IGNTP uses the 1873 Oxford TR text, and so if that text is
not the same as the Tischendorf Stephanus text, the use of Tischendorf in
conjunction with IGNTP collations would need to take the differences into
account. 

Thanks,

Bill Warren
Professor of New Testament and Greek
New Orleans Baptist Theological Seminary

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From: Maurice Robinson <mrobinsn@mercury.interpath.com>
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Subject: Re: TR editions
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On Fri, 19 Apr 1996 WFWarren@aol.com wrote:

> Perhaps someone could help with the following regarding TR texts.  What is
> the difference between the 1873 Oxford TR edition and the 1889 Oxford TR
> edition?  

Probably no significant differences.  At the most perhaps some accent or 
punctuation changes.  I would suspect the text itself of any Stephens 
1550 TR reprint to remain the same.

> Also, is Tischendorf's Stephanus text (I realize he prints both the
> 1550 Stephanus and 1624 Elzevir texts) the same as the 1873 Oxford text (I
> suspect it is), or not, and if not, what are the differences?  

Again probably so, though I have never seen a copy of a Tischendorf 
edition of the TR; only his own edited editions, which differ 
significantly, of course.

> The background of this question relates to the use of collation information
> from different sources, all supposedly based on the TR.  But if the TR texts
> differ, then the collation information would need to be adjusted accordingly.

The major collations made in the mid-1800s by Scrivener were against a 
Stephens 1550 TR, which obviously could not have been against the 1873 
Oxford edition which had not yet been published.  I, however, would not 
be overly concerned, so long as the text was specifically a Stephens 1550 
reprint, and not one with changes like the Elzevir editions.

>  For example, the IGNTP uses the 1873 Oxford TR text, and so if that text is
> not the same as the Tischendorf Stephanus text, the use of Tischendorf in
> conjunction with IGNTP collations would need to take the differences into
> account. 

That would be correct if such were the case.  From reading Scrivener's 
Plain Introduction (1894), which probably goes into more detail about the 
various TR editions than any more recent source, I noticed no specific 
suggestion that there were any textual differences among Stephens 1550 
editions.

_________________________________________________________________________
Maurice A. Robinson, Ph.D.           Assoc. Prof./Greek and New Testament
Southeastern Baptist Theological Seminary     Wake Forest, North Carolina
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

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Because of problems with the computer network, many people did not
receive messages from the list for about a week.  For this reason, I am
sending everyone a copy of digests 53 - 56.  I apologize if you have
already seen these messages, but I have no way of knowing who has and
who hasn't, so please just delete them if they are duplicates.

Jimmy Adair
Manager of Information Technology Services, Scholars Press
    and
Managing Editor of TELA, the Scholars Press World Wide Web Site
---------------> http://scholar.cc.emory.edu <-----------------

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Subjects of Messages in this Digest:

Subject: Re: Synoptic source criticism
Subject: Re: Hebrew Bible TC
Subject: Re: AV readings
Subject: Re: AV readings
Subject: MS copying simulation program
Subject: Re: archetype and autographs
Subject: autographs and archetypes (Pauline Corpus)
Subject: Re: Mic 1:2
Subject: ms identification schemes
Subject: Re: MS copying simulation program
Subject: Re: AV readings
Subject: Syriac + it-k
Subject: Re: ms identification schemes
Subject: Re: ms identification schemes
Subject: Jn 2:1
Subject: Re: AV readings
Subject: Luke 12,58
Subject: Re: archetype and autographs

tc-list-digest            Thursday, 11 April 1996      Volume 01 : Number 053


----------------------------------------------------------------------

From: Maurice Robinson <mrobinsn@mercury.interpath.com>
Date: Thu, 11 Apr 1996 00:15:16 -0400 (EDT)
Subject: Re: Synoptic source criticism

On Tue, 9 Apr 1996, Stephen C Carlson wrote:

> Maurice Robinson wrote:

> >The modern critical texts will have a tendency to claim more
> >harmonizations of Mark to Matthew, which are attributed to a presumption 
> >of Markan priority as well as to the fact that Matthew was the most 
> >popular gospel in the early church.  The real reflection of the Markan 
> >hypothesis would be seen in their internal evidence decision to follow a 
> >non-Matthean or non-Lukan reading in Mark whenever the choice presents 
> >itself.
 
> If this is true, then I don't see why Markan priority (as opposed
> to harmonizing tendencies) would be a good reason.  If we *knew* that
> Mark was first, how does that help us establish which competing claim
> to the text of Mark is stronger?  What Matthew may or may not have
> changed is not relevant, because we don't know if Matthew followed or
> departed from Mark in the first place.

Which from my perspective is a good reason not to make too much of either
Matthean or Markan priority principles as I approach the text.  Presumed
literary dependence can be a bane rather than a blessing, as the
contradictory claims of various two-source scholars come to the forefront. 

Those who postulate a Mk + Q source for both Mt and Lk presumably will
view certain variants in light of their hypothesis to the exclusion of
others, and their text-critical decisions at certain points will 
therefore reflect those underlying hypotheses.


_________________________________________________________________________
Maurice A. Robinson, Ph.D.           Assoc. Prof./Greek and New Testament
Southeastern Baptist Theological Seminary     Wake Forest, North Carolina
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~



------------------------------

From: Andrew  Gross <aqg3222@is.nyu.edu>
Date: Thu, 11 Apr 1996 00:33:10 -0400 (EDT)
Subject: Re: Hebrew Bible TC

On Wed, 10 Apr 1996 HuldrychZ@aol.com wrote:

> Micah 1:1 in the MT reads "devar YHWH asher hayah"; while the LXX has "kai
> egeneto logos kuriou".   Is it my imagination, or does the LXX seem to be
> stressing the idea that the word of the Lord happened, while MT seems to
> stress to whom it happened?


You are quite right in noticing the discrepency.  These represent two
common introduction formulae used for prophecies. 

For a few examples, compare the MT of Hosea 1:1, Zephaniah 1:1, and Joel
1:1, and you will see that they are all identical to Micah 1:1.  However
for each of these three, the LXX reads, "logos kuriou, hos egeneithei pros
PN". 

Now, if we look at the MT of Haggai 1:1, Ezekiel 1:3, and Ezekiel 3:16, we
see "hayah dvar YHWH" (or something close to it), and in every case it is 
rendered in LXX by "egeneto logos kuriou".

You're probably right to assume that the LXX translator had a different 
Vorlage of Micah before him than what we have in MT.

I'm not sure if I am entirely answering your question, because you also
seem to be asking whether or not these two varying formulae each had a
different force of meaning.  To be perfectly honest, I could see them 
occuring in free variation with very little difference in nuance, but I 
have not surveyed the uses of these formulae sufficiently to assert 
anything one way or the other.


Hope this helps,


andrew gross


------------------------------

From: Maurice Robinson <mrobinsn@mercury.interpath.com>
Date: Thu, 11 Apr 1996 00:58:40 -0400 (EDT)
Subject: Re: AV readings

On Tue, 9 Apr 1996 DrJDPrice@aol.com wrote:

> Does anyone know of any Greek MSS that support the following
> readings in the Authorized Version?
 
> Acts 19:20--"the word of God" (AV) vs. "the word of the Lord" (Greek)
> 2 Tim 1:18--"ministered unto me" (AV) vs. "ministered" (Greek)
> Heb 10:23--"profession of our faith" (AV) vs. "profession of our hope"
> (Greek)

Von Soden gives the following for "God" in Ac.19:20 -- (Ia1 group) d5f 382
(ia2 group) 173 252-d459 (Ia3 group) d507, old latin (european, african in
hiatus).  Following Kraft, this translates to the Gregory-Aland MSS D E
915 623 1873 489 and 241.  There may be others, since p.1979 in the
prolegomena is also referenced by VS.  Tischendorf gives in his own
numbering scheme (D) E 21 73 106** k-scr vg sah-txt. I do not have the
minuscule conversion key for Tisch here, but I suspect some of the same
minuscules are indicated. 

In 2Tim.1.18, VS gives for the addition of MOI: (Ia1 group) 65; 
(Ia3) 64 216 d259 d505f bohairic Theodotion, and reading "EN MOI"
is (Ic1) 1436 and sy-h.  The Greek MSS here translate into 1836 1845 256 
330 69 and 462, with EN MOI in 2005.  Tischendorf gives (again in his 
numbering), 31 37 46 73 109 116 it-f it-g vg-cl ... syr-utr cop arm eth 
Theodoret Ambrosiaster and Pelagius, the Greek MSS of which may be 
identical to VS.

In Heb.10:23, PISTEWS is read in (H group) d6 (Ia1 group) 70 (Ic1 group) 
158, which translates to MSS Psi, 1898, and 1245.   Tisch. gives nothing 
on this point.

Hope this helps somewhat.

_________________________________________________________________________
Maurice A. Robinson, Ph.D.           Assoc. Prof./Greek and New Testament
Southeastern Baptist Theological Seminary     Wake Forest, North Carolina
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~


------------------------------

From: Maurice Robinson <mrobinsn@mercury.interpath.com>
Date: Thu, 11 Apr 1996 01:21:54 -0400 (EDT)
Subject: Re: AV readings

On Wed, 10 Apr 1996, Kevin W. Woodruff wrote:

> According to my NA27, the original hand of Sinaticus supports the reading
> "our faith" in Hebrews 10:23

Not correct -- the original hand of Aleph does add "our", but the main 
text reading is ELPIDOS, which is "hope" and not "faith".  

_________________________________________________________________________
Maurice A. Robinson, Ph.D.           Assoc. Prof./Greek and New Testament
Southeastern Baptist Theological Seminary     Wake Forest, North Carolina
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

------------------------------

From: Timothy John Finney <finney@central.murdoch.edu.au>
Date: Thu, 11 Apr 1996 15:24:20 +0800 (WST)
Subject: MS copying simulation program

I am putting the source code (named simmss.c) for the copying simulation
program I mentioned during the discussion on archetype and autographs on
the tc ftp site: 

ftp://scholar.cc.emory.edu/uploads

To make it run you need to download it to your area of the machine you use
with ftp. Then compile it (type cc simmss.c on a unix machine) then run
it (type a.out on a unix machine). Lots of the machines through which
you get your email will do this. 

Sometimes you will just get a line of ones, which means that the original
MS was killed or died before it got copied. Other times you will get about
ten rows of numbers, which needs some explanation. For now, ignore the
first row. The other rows are manuscripts. The first five numbers in each
manuscript are: 

1) /* Is daughter MS alive? 1 = yes, 0 = no */
2) /* Year copy made */
3) /* MS lifespan */
4) /* Parent MS number */
5) /* Daughter MS number */

Notes on these numbers:

1) This number will always be 1 in the mss the program selects at the end
of its run because it finishes by selecting 10 (or some other number you
can choose) living mss. 

4) and 5) These are unique numbers consecutively assigned to each copy
as the program makes it, starting with 1 for the original. 

The other numbers are the variants. The original was a line of ones, but
the copies can have other numbers besides one. The way this happens is
that there is a probability (which you can set) that any particular
variation unit will change to a different variant. All the program
does is increments the existing variant by one. The heart of the program
is a random number generator which determines whether a variant is
incremented, whether a ms dies or is killed in a particular year or
whether a copy is made of a particular ms, which must be living to be
copied. 

Now for the explanation of the first row: the first five numbers are
always 1. The rest are the maximum numbers that the respective variants
were incremented to in each variation unit by the end of the program's
run. 

You can change the parameters the program runs with by using a text editor
to change them in the source program, then compiling and running it again.
A number of the parameters are inverse probabilities. An inverse
probability of 20 variants copied means that the likelihood of a variant
being changed (i.e. incremented) is one in twenty variants copied. 

Every time the program runs it should do something different (except for
when the original is killed before copies are made). 

Two files will be found in the same directory as the compiled program
(a.out) after the program has run. One is called Extant, and is a copy of
the mss chosen at random from those still living when the program has run
its course. The other is History which is a running history of the copying
as it happened. 

You can look at these and edit the source code (to change the parameters)
using a text editor. If your machine has pine as a mail program, it may
also have pico, which is a text editor. If so, type pico simmss.c to
edit the source code or pico History or pico Extant to look at those two
files. 

Tim Finney
Baptist Theological College
20 Hayman Rd, Bentley WA 6102
Australia




------------------------------

From: Timothy John Finney <finney@central.murdoch.edu.au>
Date: Thu, 11 Apr 1996 15:34:49 +0800 (WST)
Subject: Re: archetype and autographs

In partial reply to the comments by Maurice Robinson on 4 Apr 1996
concerning the scenario I put forward for the assemblage of an archetype
of the Pauline Corpus, I offer the following:=20

It occurs to me that there is an important difference between the multiple
collections model of Maurice Robinson and the single collection model
which I reiterated (someone else must have already said it). The
difference is that the multiple model gives multiple independent early
witnesses to each component (i.e. autograph or copy of autograph), whereas
the single model does not. Therefore, the multiple model would, all other
things being equal, give a greater chance of recovering the autographs
than the single model, which would only allow recovery of its own
archetype which is the collection and not the autographs. So to answer the
question of the extent to which the autographs of the Pauline collection
are recoverable, it is necessary to decide between these models, if we
can.=20

I am indebted to Maurice for his quote of Tertullian (who was writing a=20
full century after the collection seems to have been made) which favours=20
the multiple model. Nevertheless, I venture to say that Occam's razor=20
favours the single model. (Occam's razor: The hypothesis which explains
the given evidence with the least (in number and difficulty) assumptions
is best.) I say that it is a lesser assumption that one person made the=20
collection than a number of people or churches acting simultaneously. A=20
kind of early canon would also be required for the multiple model,=20
otherwise one would expect different sets of Pauline Letters in different=
=20
MSS.

> My main argument against the single-corpus =3D archetype scenario is
> again transmissional: if errors existed in the corpus-archetype, why do
> they not exist among the extant MSS in significant quantity,
> transcending the various texttype limits?

Perhaps obvious primitive errors do not exist because they were corrected
by copyists who were used to correcting transcription errors. What happens
at the site of corruption is either a seamless correction, where the
intended text obvious, or =D4an explosion of variants=D5, to paraphrase the
Alands, where not it is not so. How did you correct my errors? The "=D4text
is obvious" in the first case, but did I intend to write "where not so"=20
or "where it is not" or "where it is not so"? (Actually, I intended to
write what I did.)

> First problem: what are the "primitive corruptions" and how does one=20
> authoritatively recognize them?  You cannot test a hypothesis without a=
=20
> standard of comparison, and I doubt any two textual critics would agree=
=20
> on a list of primitive corruptions for even Romans, let alone the=20
> entire Pauline corpus.

Yes, this is a problem. Yet F.F. Bruce was bold enough to list what he=20
thought may be a number of primitive corruptions in Hebrews.

Concerning the C program:

> Did you have a parameter included which would allow for a regular or=20
> almost regular process of cross-comparison and correction to occur,=20
> including a proviso that when the exemplar differed from the second MS=20
> used for correction, a third copy might be sought out in at least 50%=20
> of the cases.  If you can reprogram with that scenario included, I=20
> again would be interested in the results.

I a=D5m about to put the program on the tc ftp site. It is as I wrote it
without the suggested changes. There is a parameter that allows for
=D4correctins=D5 to be made, but not by comparison with otherMSS. The
suggestion to include a facility for MS correction by comparison is duly
noted, but will have to wait for more leisurely times.=20

Tim Finney
Baptist Theological College
20 Hayman Rd, Bentley WA 6102
Australia


------------------------------

From: schmiul@uni-muenster.de
Date: Thu, 11 Apr 96 13:00:05 +0100
Subject: autographs and archetypes (Pauline Corpus)

On Thu, 11 Apr 1996, Timothy J. Finney wrote:

>In partial reply to the comments by Maurice Robinson on 4 Apr 1996
> concerning the scenario I put forward for the assemblage of an
> archetype of the Pauline Corpus, I offer the following: 

>It occurs to me that there is an important difference between the
> multiple collections model of Maurice Robinson and the single
> collection model which I reiterated (someone else must have 
> already said it)...
> So to answer the question of the extent to which the autographs
> of the Pauline collection are recoverable, it is necessary to
> decide between these models, if we can...
 
> I say that it is a lesser assumption that one person made the 
>collection than a number of people or churches acting 
> simultaneously. A kind of early canon would also be required for
> the multiple model, otherwise one would expect different sets of
> Pauline Letters in different MSS.

[quoting Robinson:]

>> My main argument against the single-corpus = archetype scenario
>> is again transmissional: if errors existed in the
>> corpus-archetype, why do they not exist among the extant MSS in
>> significant quantity, transcending the various texttype limits?

I would like to comment on Timothy's argument concerning the "different sets of 
Pauline Letters in different MSS". Our extant Greek MSS display three points 
where there are differences with respect to the set of the Pauline Letters.
a) The first and major point of difference with respect to its dissemination is 
the position of Hebrews: partly after 2.Thess, partly after Philemon, at least 
once after both (minuscule 794), once after Romans (P46), two times totally 
absent (F G).
b) A minor point of difference with respect to its dissemination is the changing 
position of Eph Phil Col: only two times the position Eph Col Phil can be found 
(D minuscule 5).
c) Only P46 displays a canging sequence with respect to the position of Gal: Eph 
Gal Phil Col.

What conclusions can be drawn therof? 
1) Should we take it this way: There are _only_ three points of difference with 
respect to the sets of Pauline Letters in the extant Greek MSS tradition? 
Conclusion: If we favoured the multiple collections model, more points of 
difference should have been expected.
2) Or, should we take it that way: There are _at least_ three points of 
difference with respect to the sets of Pauline Letters in the extant Greek MSS 
tradition? Conclusion: If we favoured the single collection model, even three 
points of difference should not have been expected. 
3) Should the varying position of Hebrews be judged as due to "primitive error" 
with respect to the single collection model?
4) Or, should it be judged as indicating at least a two collections model?  

Ulrich Schmid, Muenster


------------------------------

From: HuldrychZ@aol.com
Date: Thu, 11 Apr 1996 07:36:25 -0400
Subject: Re: Mic 1:2

In a message dated 96-04-10 18:48:19 EDT, you write:

>Here's a report on what is to be found in DJD 1:
>
>The reading yhwh )dny yhyh exists only in fragmentary form in the ms. 
> The first yod of the divine name is in a lacuna, as are the entirety 
>of )dny and the first three letters, i.e., yhy, of yhyh.  Thus apart 
>from the divine name most of the reading is a reconstruction.  There 
>is a problem in relying on this reconstruction since the surviving 
>letters of the divine name and the he from yhyh are on two entirely 
>separate, small fragments.  Moreover, there is nowhere a physical 
>join between the two fragments, and no intervening fragment to bridge 
>the gap.
>
>The fragment containing the divine name has characters in a line below 
>it.  The only clear characters are the first two letters of a second 
>occurrence of the divine name.  This is a reasonable reading since 
>the letters are in archaic script.  The editor doubtless placed the 
>fragment based on a calculation of line length and a realization that 
> using Mic 1:2-3 to reconstruct the text would fit the constraints.
>
>On the other fragment, the one containing the he from yhyh, there is 
>a following word, bkm.  Thus if the divine name in this ms is written 
>in archaic script, bkm probably does not follow the divine name, 
>making the reconstruction yhwh )dny yhyh bkm reasonable.
>
>The difficulty comes in the weak link for the fragment containing the 
>divine name.  Since the divine name occurs nowhere else in the 
>extant fragments for 1QpMic, we do not know with certainty whether 
>the document used archaic script for the divine name or not.
>
>What would I conclude about this variant?  Well, I can see where the 
>editors got their reconstruction, and they may have had some reason 
>for associating the fragment with 1QpMic that we are now unaware of.  
>Nevertheless, it seems a very weak basis for saying we even have a 
>variant.
>
>By the way, in this particular instance those with DJD 1 will want to 
>consult the plates.  There is good reason to disagree with the 
>editor's proposals about the boundaries of lacunae and the degrees of 
>certainty in reading damaged letters.
>
>Hope this helps.
>
>All the best,
>Rich Weis

Sir, 
It helps a great deal.  Your efforts on my behalf are genuinely appreciated.


Yours,

Jim West

------------------------------

From: "James R. Adair" <jadair@scholar.cc.emory.edu>
Date: Thu, 11 Apr 1996 09:39:32 -0400 (EDT)
Subject: ms identification schemes

The fact that Von Soden and Tischendorf (and I think also Swete) use
different ms identification schemes has been noted in a couple of recent
posts to the list.  Is there a single reference work that relates the
various schemes to one another (including Gregory-Aland and the two big
LXX editions), and in particular, is there an electronic version of such a
list?  Maurice Robinson mentioned Bob Kraft in regard to Von Soden's
numbers--can you give us more details, Maurice?  If there are different
numbering schemes in use for Syriac, Latin, or other versions, I would
also appreciate information on these as well.  I would like to create a
single reference list that ties them all together.  It would also be nice
if the contents of each ms were included in the description, so maybe this
could tie in with what James Tauber and others are doing with the
Electronic New Testament Manuscript Project. 

Jimmy Adair
Manager of Information Technology Services, Scholars Press
    and
Managing Editor of TELA, the Scholars Press World Wide Web Site
- ---------------> http://scholar.cc.emory.edu <-----------------


------------------------------

From: "James R. Adair" <jadair@scholar.cc.emory.edu>
Date: Thu, 11 Apr 1996 09:50:14 -0400 (EDT)
Subject: Re: MS copying simulation program

Tim Finney has supplied us with the source code for his ms copying 
simulation program.  Thanks, Tim!  I need to correct the URL, however.  
The program can be downloaded from ftp://scholar.cc.emory.edu/pub/TC/simmss.c
(it is not possible to download from the uploads directory that Tim 
mentioned).  If anyone else on the list has material related to textual 
criticism that they would like to share with others, feel free to upload 
it ftp://scholar.cc.emory.edu/uploads.  Then let me (or the list) know 
that it is there, and I will move it to the /pub/TC directory.

Jimmy Adair
Manager of Information Technology Services, Scholars Press
    and
Managing Editor of TELA, the Scholars Press World Wide Web Site
- ---------------> http://scholar.cc.emory.edu <-----------------


------------------------------

From: "Kevin W. Woodruff" <cierpke@utc.campus.mci.net>
Date: Thu, 11 Apr 1996 10:39:07 -0400 (EDT)
Subject: Re: AV readings

My mistake, sorry about that! I only looked for the sigla indicating an
insertion. At 1:30 AM I was sleep and careless. Mea maxima culpa!

At 01:21 AM 4/11/96 -0400, you wrote:
>
>
>On Wed, 10 Apr 1996, Kevin W. Woodruff wrote:
>
>> According to my NA27, the original hand of Sinaticus supports the reading
>> "our faith" in Hebrews 10:23
>
>Not correct -- the original hand of Aleph does add "our", but the main 
>text reading is ELPIDOS, which is "hope" and not "faith".  
>
>_________________________________________________________________________
>Maurice A. Robinson, Ph.D.           Assoc. Prof./Greek and New Testament
>Southeastern Baptist Theological Seminary     Wake Forest, North Carolina
>~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
>
>
Kevin W. Woodruff
Reference Librarian
Cierpke Memorial Library
Temple Baptist Seminary
Tennessee Temple University
1815 Union Ave.
Chattanooga, TN 37404
423/493-4252
Cierpke@utc.campus.mci.net


------------------------------

From: wlp1@psu.edu (William L. Petersen)
Date: Thu, 11 Apr 1996 10:46:38 -0400
Subject: Syriac + it-k

Regarding Maurice Robinson's two long posts in response to my reply to him,
I leave it to list readers to examine the evidence and decide.  I must,
however, take exception to one point in his post, namely that

>the word "may" utterly and dogmatically
>opposes any opposite notion that such could _not_ be the case.  To
>express uncertainty in any given situation is to dogmatically claim
>that statements to the contrary are to be considered erroneous.  E.g.,
>"Scholars who agree with my views _may_ be right, even if no other
>scholar should agree."

Robinson has failed, in my view, to make a distinction here between known
situations and unknown situations.  "May" is certainly inappropriate where
we have absolute knowledge to the contrary ("Trees _may_ not need oxygen or
light to live.").  But where we do NOT have absolute knowledge--and Robinson
admits that this is the case in the instance of the text of the NT (see the
last paragraph of his second post)--then _may_ is not dogmatic on Souter's
part, but is entirely appropriate, for _neither_ side can speak with
absolute certainty ("The time-space continuum _may_ be infinite.").  While
this is a subtle distinction, I'm sure it is not lost on this erudite audience.

P.S.:  As for being hung in cages in that beautiful university city of
Muenster, I would guess that those who _did_ the hanging _also_ had an
aversion to "may"... [ :-)]

Petersen--Penn State University.


------------------------------

From: broman@Np.nosc.mil (Vincent Broman)
Date: Thu, 11 Apr 96 09:26:31 PDT
Subject: Re: ms identification schemes

jadair@scholar.cc.emory.edu asked:
> Is there a single reference work that relates the
> various schemes to one another (including Gregory-Aland and the two big
> LXX editions), and in particular, is there an electronic version of such a
> list?

The Aland Kurzgefasste Liste has tables matching up
Gregory-Aland numbers with Von Soden numbers and Tischendorf numbers.
The IGNTP Luke volumes have a table with these three nomenclatures
for the MSS cited therein.
I have a table of Von Soden <-> Gregory numbers I found in
Gregory's Textkritik.

I am not aware of any such list in machine-readable form.
The IfNTTF in Muenster might have such lists,
but I doubt they would make such available to the public.


Vincent Broman             Email: broman@nosc.mil                    =   o     
2224 33d St.               Phone: +1 619 284 3775                  =  _ /- _   
San Diego, CA  92104-5605  Starship: 32d42m22s N 117d14m13s W     =  (_)> (_)  
___ PGP protected mail preferred.  For public key finger broman@np.nosc.mil ___

------------------------------

From: James.Tauber@East.Sun.COM (James Tauber SunLabs - SML)
Date: Thu, 11 Apr 1996 10:28:11 -0400
Subject: Re: ms identification schemes

> The fact that Von Soden and Tischendorf (and I think also Swete) use
> different ms identification schemes has been noted in a couple of =
recent
> posts to the list.  Is there a single reference work that relates the
> various schemes to one another (including Gregory-Aland and the two =
big
> LXX editions), and in particular, is there an electronic version of =
such a
> list?
[...]
> I would like to create a single reference list that ties them all =
together.
> It would also be nice if the contents of each ms were included in the
> description, so maybe this could tie in with what James Tauber and =
others are
> doing with the Electronic New Testament Manuscript Project.=20

If you or someone else could produce even a partial list, I'd be more =
than happy=20
to incorporate the information in the ENTMP's manuscript database.

James K. Tauber

------------------------------

From: HuldrychZ@aol.com
Date: Thu, 11 Apr 1996 16:09:58 -0400
Subject: Jn 2:1

The text of this verse seems fairly straightforward.  Why, then, do some
translations have "on the second day"; or something like it.  There are no
variants which read "second day" are there?

Thanks,


Jim West

------------------------------

From: DrJDPrice@aol.com
Date: Thu, 11 Apr 1996 18:57:00 -0400
Subject: Re: AV readings

Dear Maurice:
Thanks for the textual data from von Soden and Tischendorf. That's what I was
looking for.
Jim Price

------------------------------

From: Maurice Robinson <mrobinsn@mercury.interpath.com>
Date: Thu, 11 Apr 1996 19:20:36 -0400 (EDT)
Subject: Luke 12,58

On 9 Apr 1996, Ulrich Schmid wrote:

[quoting Robinson]

>>> The Byzantine reading reflects the literary, if not the
>>> classical perspective.

>>Oops!...If I wrote that, it was a "lapsus manus", and I must have typed
>>"Byzantine" instead of "Alexandrian"; I confess scribal error in that
>>case (or maybe I became totally confused and discombobulated).
>>Please correct any assumptions based upon this error...

>So happily the _source variant_ of the misunderstanding is identified
>which set off a chain reaction of misunderstandings.

Obviously so, and my fingers, which were not coordinated with my mind,
accept all blame.

>The referrence to Kilpattrick's article on Atticism in the Greek NT is
>totally misleading here. Note, I referred to "the grammatical features
>under discussion", i.e. MH(POTE) + subj. vs ind., and to the "INA
>clauses" with the same variation. Kilpattrick did _not_ deal with this
>particular features in his article.

This is granted; the issue under discussion was _not_ addressed by
Kilpatrick.  I cited Kilpatrick only as an example of one case where it
is maintained that the Byzantine text maintains a "normal" and
"earlier" Koine and does not follow the later revival of Attic
classical style whereas the Alexandrian text does.

>Nevertheless, Kilpattrick reviewed in his article (inter alia) the use
>of the optative. Since his reasoning on the optative subject can be
>paralleld with my own reasoning on the MH(POTE) + subj. vs ind.
>subject, I may quote Kilpattrick ...

        [quote omitted, but passages discussed below]

>Note, in two out of three instances in Ephesians the _Byzantine text_
>seems to display a tendency "mistakenly to introduce an optative".

I suspect the optative is original and reflects an earlier usage and
not a later one which would be adopted by Byzantine scribes in a period
when the fading optative would be more likely to be replaced by a more
current form of expression.  I.e., my contention is merely that the
Byzantine MSS preserve a more ancient form of text in those optatives,
a form which goes back to the original.

Despite Kilpatrick's grammatically-based argument, I believe 
that Eph.1.17, 3.16, and 4.29 can more readily be explained
transcriptionally without requiring grammar to be a primary
consideration:

E.g. in 1.17, the majority DWH is followed by UMIN.  The final -H could
have dropped out due to the blending of sequential vowels which were
pronounced similarly (as in modern Greek where no distinction remains
between H and U). The net result of such phonetic error could easily
be the minority DW reading.

In 3.16 (not in N27, but in Von Soden) we again find the majority DWH
followed by UMIN, where the same phenomenon may have repeated itself,
and thus DW might appear in a minority of MSS.

(It is peculiar that N27 reads DWH in 1.17 and provides variants, but
leaves DW without notice of variant in 3.16, even though there the
evidence is far more divided)

In 4.29 (also not in N27), the fluctuation between the majority DWi,
and the Western DOI is probably merely itacistic, and does not really
reflect a problem with the optative.

Now, one might also suggest that transcriptional probability might cut
both ways, and that an original DWi UMIN could phonetically be expanded
into DWH UMIN.  This is less likely, since to do so would require the
H/U sound not only to be phonetically held longer, but also to be
differentiated as parts of two separate words by the scribes.  It is
far easier to presume a phonetic blending and shortening of similar
sounds which would result in a single letter dropping out of the text,
but still producing a grammatically "correct" reading.

One further note which might be of significance regarding the first two
examples: since the iota subscript would not likely be written adscript
in most papyri and uncials, without the iota subscript, the Optative
DWiH otherwise looks like the alternate subjunctive form DWHi which
is functionally equivalent to DWi.  The potential for grammatical
confusion due to alternative form considerations needs also to be taken
into account, though I still prefer to suspect phonetic considerations 
as the root cause of the variants.

>Note, I do _not_ blame the Byzantine tradition for _not_ having altered
>every single reading where the subj. vs ind. and/or optative subjects
>are involved. I only try to assemble as many data as possible in order
>to get a most comprehensive picture. And, the data assembled up to now
>point to the conclusion I drew thereof.

And we still obviously differ in our interpretation of the evidence;
but this is only to be expected.

_________________________________________________________________________
Maurice A. Robinson, Ph.D.           Assoc. Prof./Greek and New Testament
Southeastern Baptist Theological Seminary     Wake Forest, North Carolina
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

------------------------------

From: Maurice Robinson <mrobinsn@mercury.interpath.com>
Date: Thu, 11 Apr 1996 20:03:14 -0400 (EDT)
Subject: Re: archetype and autographs

On Thu, 11 Apr 1996, Timothy John Finney wrote:

> It occurs to me that there is an important difference between the multiple
> collections model of Maurice Robinson and the single collection model
> which I reiterated (someone else must have already said it). The
> difference is that the multiple model gives multiple independent early
> witnesses to each component (i.e. autograph or copy of autograph), whereas
> the single model does not. Therefore, the multiple model would, all other
> things being equal, give a greater chance of recovering the autographs
> than the single model, which would only allow recovery of its own
> archetype which is the collection and not the autographs. 

This much is of course helpful to my own position, and I appreciate the 
slight nod in that direction.

> I am indebted to Maurice for his quote of Tertullian (who was writing a 
> full century after the collection seems to have been made) which favours 
> the multiple model. Nevertheless, I venture to say that Occam's razor 
> favours the single model. (Occam's razor: The hypothesis which explains
> the given evidence with the least (in number and difficulty) assumptions
> is best.) I say that it is a lesser assumption that one person made the 
> collection than a number of people or churches acting simultaneously. A 
> kind of early canon would also be required for the multiple model, 
> otherwise one would expect different sets of Pauline Letters in different 
> MSS.

Occam's Razor cuts both ways (a terrible pun), and I have myself argued 
that the hypothesis which offers the least amount of difficulties is that 
which should be presumptively favored.  

I can agree that, in the _absence_ of a recognized "canon" of Paul's
letters (disregarding theological or inspirational issues, but dealing
only with the primary issue of recognizing a basic "Pauline Corpus" as in
some way authoritative), the single model hypothesis would seem more
likely, and then the issue would become the date at which the single model
was created or collected, and how many intermediate steps may have
intervened between the autograph and that initial formation of the corpus
collection. 

However, if (as I obviously believe) the notion existed of some
"authority"  residing in the letters of Paul from the earliest stages or
very close thereto (as noted in e.g., 2Pet.3.15-16), then the multiple
model once more becomes the better hypothesis under Occam's razor.  If
there were an early concept of significance regarding Paul's letters, the 
Tertullian scenario becomes more likely than the alternatives, and it 
w
