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From: "James R. Adair" <jadair@scholar.cc.emory.edu>
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If you haven't looked lately, I wanted to remind you to visit the TC home 
page, where TC articles will appear, and where much more information 
about TC already exists.  In particular, I would appreciate comments on 
the instructions for contributors, the transliteration schemes, the 
abbreviations, and the author copyright statement.  The URL for the TC 
home page is given below.  Thank you.

Jimmy Adair
General Editor of TC: A Journal of Biblical Textual Criticism
------> http://scholar.cc.emory.edu/scripts/TC/TC.html <-----


From majordom  Fri Jan 12 02:12:11 1996
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From: "James R. Adair" <jadair@scholar.cc.emory.edu>
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I would like to invite all interested subscribers to the list to
participate in the TC Bibliography Project.  The goal of the project is
simple: to create a comprehensive, annotated bibliography of biblical
textual criticism.  This bibliography will be accessible on the Web from
the TC home page (see below for URL).  The URL of the bibliography page 
is http://scholar.cc.emory.edu/scripts/TC/TC-biblio.html.

The first stage of the project is the creation of a suitable outline in
which to put the bibliographical data.  I have put a preliminary outline
on the TC bibliography page mentioned above, and I would appreciate 
comments on the highest order categories (those that are numbered on the 
page).  We will address subcategories later.  Insertion of the actual 
data, including annotations for at least some of the entries, will be the 
last step (although some movement of subcategories and addition of new 
subcategories is probable, too).

Jimmy Adair
General Editor of TC: A Journal of Biblical Textual Criticism
------> http://scholar.cc.emory.edu/scripts/TC/TC.html <-----

From majordom  Mon Jan 29 11:13:50 1996
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I have gotten several messages over the past few days from people 
wondering why they are not receiving any messages from the tc-list.  The 
answer is simple: no one has been contributing to the list!  As of this 
morning we have 166 subscribers to the list.  Surely someone has one or 
more topics he or she would like to discuss on the subject of textual 
criticism.  Let me encourage anyone who is interested to start a thread 
of discussion, or two!

Jimmy Adair
Manager of Information Technology Services, Scholars Press
    and
Managing Editor of TELA, the Scholars Press World Wide Web Site
---------------> http://scholar.cc.emory.edu <-----------------


From majordom  Mon Jan 29 12:51:48 1996
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Subject: Synoptic Harmonization
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Date: Mon, 29 Jan 1996 12:49:07 -0500 (EST)
From: "Stephen C Carlson" <scarlso1@osf1.gmu.edu>
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James R. Adair wrote:
>            Let me encourage anyone who is interested to start a thread 
>of discussion, or two!

OK, here are some questions that have been bothering me for quite a
while.  I'll ask a general and a specific question.

To what extent does the textual critic take into account the possibility
that the reading in one of the synoptic gospels may have been harmonized
to another?  Which of the synoptics is more prone to harmonization than
the others?

Specifically, I have a question about Mt19:20 --

EFULACA
	{A} 01* B L Theta f1 579 900 it.aur,ff1,g1,l vg Jermoe etc.
EFULACA EK NEOTHTOS (see Lk18:21)
	(01.d NEOTHTOS MOU) D it.d
EFULACAMHN EK NEOTHTOS MOU (see Mk10:20)
	C W Delta f13 28 33 etc. Byz

Although the EFULACAMHN ... reading is attributed to harmonization to
Mark in my UBS4 apparatus and is not found in the best manuscripts,
what about the fact the middle voice presents a more difficult reading
(it seems to be a Semiticism/LXXism; good literary Greek calls for the
active voice)?  Finally, vv16, 17, 20 in many MSS (esp. Byzantines)
show a harmonization to Mark (and Luke).  Is this typical?  I would
thing that, given the importance of Matthew, that the harmonization
would go the other direction.

Stephen Carlson
-- 
Stephen C. Carlson, George Mason University School of Law, Patent Track, 4LE
scarlso1@osf1.gmu.edu              : Poetry speaks of aspirations, and songs
http://osf1.gmu.edu/~scarlso1/     : chant the words.  -- Shujing 2.35

From majordom  Mon Jan 29 12:57:57 1996
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From: "MR. DAVE FOUTS" <FOUTSDA@bryannet.bryan.edu>
Organization:  Bryan College Dayton, TN 37321
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Date:          Mon, 29 Jan 1996 12:38:39 EST
Subject:       Isaiah 7:11
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Dear Colleagues,

I trust you'll forgive a TC discussion from the Old Testament.  
Recently, on another listserv (either B-Hebrew or ANE), another 
individual was requesting input on Isa. 7:11, wherein the great 
Isaiah scroll reads m'm or m'b rather than the MT's m<m (from with).
I know of no other manuscript with this reading, and think that 
though the Isaiah scroll's reading of from the mother of or from the 
father of (YHWH) is far more difficult, the context nowhere in the 
passage nor in Scripture refers to a mother or father of YHWH.
Any input?

Thanks.

Dr. Dave Fouts
BBryan College

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Date: Mon, 29 Jan 1996 17:21:21 -0500 (EST)
From: Maurice Robinson <mrobinsn@mercury.interpath.com>
To: tc-list@scholar.cc.emory.edu
Subject: Re: Synoptic Harmonization
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On Mon, 29 Jan 1996, Stephen C Carlson wrote:

> Which of the synoptics is more prone to harmonization than
> the others?

There is no question that Matthew, being the most popular gospel in teh 
early church, was the target for harmonization.  However,  the matter of 
harmonization is somewhat overblown, since a study of individual MSS' 
copying habits (using singular readings as a guide) will evidence that 
harmonization did not occur on a scale as wide as usually argued by 
eclectic critics.  Neither is harmonization specifically a characteristic 
of the MSS comprising the Byzantine Textform more than the MSS of other 
texttypes.  Wisselink's book on "Assimilation" makes some very good 
points in this regard.

> Specifically, I have a question about Mt19:20 --
> 
> EFULACA
> 	{A} 01* B L Theta f1 579 900 it.aur,ff1,g1,l vg Jermoe etc.
> EFULACA EK NEOTHTOS (see Lk18:21)
> 	(01.d NEOTHTOS MOU) D it.d
> EFULACAMHN EK NEOTHTOS MOU (see Mk10:20)
> 	C W Delta f13 28 33 etc. Byz
> 
> Although the EFULACAMHN ... reading is attributed to harmonization to
> Mark in my UBS4 apparatus and is not found in the best manuscripts,

Both of those claims are subjective judgments.  I would question both of 
them from my own text-critical perspective.

> what about the fact the middle voice presents a more difficult reading
> (it seems to be a Semiticism/LXXism; good literary Greek calls for the
> active voice)?  

The middle voice is "more difficult" more because it differs from the other 
readings. Since Mark does have the middle voice without significant 
variation, I would not make a specific judgement on it being more 
difficult in context, even in Matthew.  

I would suggest that the reading of Aleph B L Theta etc. is more likely to
reflect an accidental line omission of 16 letter (following the Byzantine
Text) than to have been the original reading, specifically due to the 
extremely limited and not even texttype-specific support that reading 
possesses.  The reading of D, being basically unique to itself, is not 
unusal in this case, being a typical sloppy omission of various 
characters from the Byzantine reading.

> Finally, vv16, 17, 20 in many MSS (esp. Byzantines)
> show a harmonization to Mark (and Luke).  Is this typical?  I would
> thing that, given the importance of Matthew, that the harmonization
> would go the other direction.

The question is primarily whether those other MSS which harmonize are in 
a significant numerical quantity, or whether they are merely isolated 
cases which happen to go that direction.  In almost all cases, 
harmonization among individual MSS is observed to head for Matthew.


=========================================================================
                       Maurice A. Robinson, Ph.D.
            Associate Professor of Greek and New Testament
              Southeastern Baptist Theological Seminary
                      Wake Forest, North Carolina
                   <mrobinsn@mercury.interpath.com>
=========================================================================

From majordom  Mon Jan 29 18:19:51 1996
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To: Mark O'Brien <Mark_O'Brien@dts.edu>
From: winberyc@popalex1.linknet.net (Carlton Winbery)
Subject: Re: Future subjunctive
Cc: b-greek@virginia.edu, tc-list@scholar.cc.emory.edu
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Mark O'Brien wrote;
>I was recently reading some comments regarding the existence of the future
>subjunctive in one of the readings for 1Co 13:12, and I was thinking of doing a
>little digging in this area.  Can anybody supply me some brief background info
>on the history of the future subjunctive in Greek?  Thanks for your input.  (I
>apologize if this has been dealt with in previous discussion.)
>
Mark later corrected the reference to I Cor. 13:3.  Carl Conrad and Ed
Hobbs have both given good correctives to the idea of the existence of a
future subjunctive.  I would like to comment on the textual problem at I
Cor 12:3.  I am persuaded that the original is KAUXHSWMAI supported by P46,
aleph, A B and others.  Some scribe (perhaps in a scriptorum) heard that
word and wrote KAUQHSWMAI (Psi, and a many others).  Another scribe saw
that reading and changed it to KAUQHSOMAI (C D F G L the whole latin
tradition and some others).  The aorist deponent subjunctive with hINA
makes good sense here, "in order that I might boast."

Carlton Winbery
Chair Religion/Philosophy
LA College,
Pineville,La
winberyc@popalex1.linknet.net
winbery@andria.lacollege.edu
fax (318) 442-4996 or (318) 487-7425



From majordom  Mon Jan 29 19:58:42 1996
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Date: Mon, 29 Jan 1996 16:56:02 -0800 (PST)
From: Jim Deardorff <deardorj@ucs.orst.edu>
To: tc-list@scholar.cc.emory.edu
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Subject: Re: Isaiah 7:11
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On Mon, 29 Jan 1996, MR. DAVE FOUTS wrote:

> I trust you'll forgive a TC discussion from the Old Testament.  
> Recently, on another listserv (either B-Hebrew or ANE), another 
> individual was requesting input on Isa. 7:11, wherein the great 
> Isaiah scroll reads m'm or m'b rather than the MT's m<m (from with).
> I know of no other manuscript with this reading, and think that 
> though the Isaiah scroll's reading of from the mother of or from the 
> father of (YHWH) is far more difficult, the context nowhere in the 
> passage nor in Scripture refers to a mother or father of YHWH.
> Any input?

Were you referring to Is 7:14 here, Dave, rather than 7:11?  (Since I 
don't read Hebrew I need to ask, also since my RSV Bible gives no hint 
that any "mother of YHVH" or "father of JHVH" enters in anywhere.)

But perhaps you or another on the list can fill in some background for me 
on the entire passage.  Who is it that is speaking in Is 7:13-17 on?  The 
RSV English makes it seem as if it is Ahaz still speaking at this point, 
because 7:13 starts out "And he said," and if it had been Isaiah himself 
speaking, it should have read, "And I said..."  Yet I feel it must have 
been Isaiah, the prophet, speaking there!  

Jim Deardorff
Oregon State University


From majordom  Mon Jan 29 20:39:15 1996
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From: Jim Deardorff <deardorj@ucs.orst.edu>
To: tc-list@scholar.cc.emory.edu
Cc: tc-list@scholar.cc.emory.edu
Subject: A Marcan editing formula?
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Also in response to James Adair's request, here's a topic initiated by a
scholar of the 1920s, H. G. Jameson, who's argument pointing out an
apparent Marcan editing formula has not been refuted or even discussed
since in the literature, as far as I know.  This is in his book, "The 
Origin of the Synoptic Gospels" (1922). 

Upon allowing that the writer of Mark could have copied from Matthew,
while having various reasons for abbreviating Matthew and making minor
alterations, Jameson found the following "editing formula."  One finds
some 9 spots in Mark where its writer, without any apparent cause, breaks
in upon the speech he found in Matthew and inserted the clause, "And he
said to them." 

The writer of Mark did this in the inserted verse of Mk 2:27 while he had
apparently been following along Mt 12:1-5 but then omitted Mt 12:6-7.
There was no need for his text to have been written with this
interruption, which is unlike the same clause just preceding in Mk 2:25
where the text changes from one speaker (Pharisees) to another (Jesus) and
the clause could be appropriate. 

He did it again in the inserted verses of Mk 4:13-14 when he had been
following along Mt 13:1-13 (the inserted Markan verses imply that the
Jewish disciples were extra uncomprehending).  (Note: external evidence
suggests that the writer of Mark was in Rome, and hence writing his gospel
for gentiles.)  Again there was no need for a continuing speech of Jesus
(Mt 13:11-23) to be interrupted by the narrator saying "And he said to 
them." 

He did it again in Mk 4:21 where its parallel verse, Mt 5:15, was
borrowed and placed in the wrong order.  And again in Mk 4:24, which
borrows Mt 7:2 and places it out of order.  And he did it again in Mk 7:9
just after he had inserted verse Mk 7:8.  And again in Mk 7:20 just after
where he had inserted the (parenthetical) explanation of Mk 7:19b, not in
Matthew. 

Again Mk 6:10 has the clause just following where Mt 10:10 was edited into 
the Markan version of the Mission instructions.  (Here the editing left 
behind the inane instruction of "stay there until you leave...")  Again 
there was no need to say concerning Jesus:  "And he said to them," 
since he had already been talking to them and continues to talk to them.

Again Mk 9:1 has the clause just following Mk 8:38, which is an edited or 
distant parallel to Mt 16:27b.  

Again Mk 4:9 has a needless: "And he said" just after the verse where
Matthew's order of 100-60-30 is reversed.  (Notice that Mark's order seems
to make the most sense -- an improvement.)

So it seemed evident to Jamson that this clause is an "editing formula" 
used by the writer of Mark to try to hide any discontinuity of thought
caused by his editing.  The writer of Mark then appears to have been not 
particularly skillful or comfortable with editing of this nature.

This doesn't seem to be an easily reversible argument.  For if the writer
of Matthew had been copying from Mark and eliminating these superfluous
clauses: "And he said to them," while adding much else, he would not seem
to have had reasonable motivation to have chosen those very spots to also
make alterations in Mark's text. 

I'm most interested, of course, in comments on this from others who may
see much merit in the older position of Matthean priority over Mark, and
who recognize the argumentation in support of Mark-Q priority to be the
more easily reversible. 

My own research indicates that the switch-over from Matthean to Markan 
priority developed in the 19th century due to mounting pressures to avoid 
the embarrassing implications of the writer of Mark having omitted so 
much of value from Matthew, plus several other embarrassing 
considerations.  Although Jameson himself appears to have been 
theologically committed to the extent of assuming that the Gospel writers 
were the same as the men whose names are attached to the Gospels, and 
perhaps also towards preserving the traditional order of Gospels stemming 
from Irenaeus, Origen and Augustine, these did not explicitly enter into his 
argumentation for the preceding Marcan editing formula.

Jim Deardorff
Oregon State University




From majordom  Mon Jan 29 21:47:11 1996
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Date: Mon, 29 Jan 1996 21:44:35 -0500 (EST)
From: Maurice Robinson <mrobinsn@mercury.interpath.com>
To: tc-list@scholar.cc.emory.edu
Subject: Re: Future subjunctive
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On Mon, 29 Jan 1996, Carlton Winbery wrote: 

> I would like to comment on the textual problem at I
> Cor 12:3.  I am persuaded that the original is KAUXHSWMAI supported by P46,
> aleph, A B and others.  Some scribe (perhaps in a scriptorum) heard that
> word and wrote KAUQHSWMAI (Psi, and a many others).  Another scribe saw
> that reading and changed it to KAUQHSOMAI (C D F G L the whole latin
> tradition and some others).  The aorist deponent subjunctive with hINA
> makes good sense here, "in order that I might boast."

(Let me insert a small but significant addendum to the data above: the
reading KAUQHSWMAI of Psi "and many others" actually encompasses the
entire Byzantine/Majority tradition, and this fact should not be minimized
in the discussion which follows). 

The problem I see with the above approach is that KAUQHSOMAI/KAUQHSWMAI is
clearly the "more difficult" reading.  Paul uses the concept of "boasting"
almost to excess, particularly in the Corinthian correspondence. Nowhere 
else does he speak of giving one's body to be burnt, and even the 
particular locus of that reference in the immediate context is problematic.

By applying the principle of favoring the reading most likely to give rise
to the other(s), as well as acknowledging the reading which was most
difficult (to the scribe), either KAUQHSWMAI or KAUQHSOMAI would be
favored over the "easier" and "more familiar" Pauline verb KAUXHSWMAI. 

Even were dictation utilized in a scriptorium (which from my own
examination of variants and their causes I consider to be the extremely
rare case when speaking of NT Greek MSS), an error of hearing between the
phonemes Chi and Theta would not be all that likely, since one is a
gutteral and the other a labial.  Yet even if phonetic confusion occurred,
the tendency of a scribe then would be to favor what he in his own mind
and hearing THOUGHT was a more common reading over one which would be less
common, and especially a concept of giving one's body "to be burned," which 
would be unique to Paul. 

More problematic than either of these matters is the supposition that a
single scribe creating a more difficult reading by an error or hearing
would somehow produce a MS copy which then would become the mother of
virtually all subsequent MSS.  This hypothesis assumes that no
contemporary or later scribe would ever notice the difference, let alone
simply correct such an error by cross-comparison with another pre-existing
exemplar. 

A major problem with modern eclecticism (whether reasoned or rigorous) is
its failure to ignore the problems of the historical transmission of the
text throughout history; this is one such case where attention to the
historical possibilities of manuscript transmission weighs heavily in
determining a conclusion. 

That an error producing a "more difficult" reading could so easily corrupt
the mass of the MS tradition bodes ill for the certain recovery of the
original text by any currently-recognized and responsible principles of NT
textual criticism.  

It is also significant that the Western tradition (D F G, as well as the
Old Latin, known to be 2nd century in origin) would have virtually
unanimously accepted such an "difficult" erroneous reading and perpetuated
it (though changing the apparent subjunctive to an indicative -- another
case of moving toward an "easier" reading, but this time grammatically). 
Yet under such a hypothesis, there still remained MSS of that era (P46)
and even two or more centuries later (Aleph A B) which still maintained
the supposed "original" reading whereby the "difficult reading" error
could easily have been corrected. 

Allowing the Byzantine "more difficult" reading of KAUQHSWMAI to be
original on the other hand, everything explains itself well.  The tendency
of some scribes to gravitate to a more usual Pauline expression or
"boasting" may have played some part, but also the grammatical issue of
the peculiar subjunctive (?) form might on the one hand cause some scribes
to alter -SWMAI to -SOMAI, leaving the -Q- intact and other scribes to
seize the opportunity of presuming an error in their exemplar, and to
correct the text from a -Q- to a -X-, with a grammatically "normal"
KAUXHSWMAI (Middle Deponent Subjunctive) in its place -- again a
temptation to move to the "easier" reading, both in content and in
grammar.  From this standpoint, it then is no surprise to find a SMALL 
minority of scribes reading either KAUXHSWMAI or KAUQHSOMAI as opposed to 
the 98%+ Byzantine reading of KAUQHSWMAI, which is grammatically and 
contextually "more difficult", and thus more liable to give rise to the 
remaining readings.

The problem comes down to this: WHY -- on what reasonable grounds --
should the vast majority of all MSS ever have perpetuated a reading which
they knew was grammatically questionable and contextually problematic, 
assuming that a perfectly good alternative existed in variant readings 
known and perpetuated in either the Latin or Alexandrian traditions.

It hardly seems likely that any alteration to the text of a MS which would
produce a grammatically questionable and "more difficult" reading would
ever be perpetuated in the vast majority of MSS.  If this indeed be the
case, the reading in question seems far more likely to be a reflection
of the autograph text than any alteration to such.

As an aside, I find it highly amusing that in the cross references to the
Nestle 27 text at 1Cor.13:3, they note Daniel 3:19ff, which does NOT
reflect their chosen text at all, but the majority KAUQHSWMAI reading *:-)


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From: Maurice Robinson <mrobinsn@mercury.interpath.com>
To: tc-list@scholar.cc.emory.edu
Subject: Re: A Marcan editing formula?
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On Mon, 29 Jan 1996, Jim Deardorff wrote:

> Also in response to James Adair's request, here's a topic initiated by a
> scholar of the 1920s, H. G. Jameson, who's argument pointing out an
> apparent Marcan editing formula has not been refuted or even discussed
> since in the literature, as far as I know.  This is in his book, "The 
> Origin of the Synoptic Gospels" (1922). 

Assuming Matthean priority, and literary dependency, Jameson's case 
appears to be very strong.  I suspect it has been ignored (much as 
Baird's "Audience Criticism and the Historical Jesus") merely because it 
would reverse the direction of NT studies away from Markan priority, the 
Two-Source Hypothesis, and the then-ongoing Quest of the Historical Jesus.

Of course, current traditions need continually to be challenged and 
reexamined, and Jameson gives one direction for valuable pursuit.

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From: Andrew  Gross <aqg3222@is.nyu.edu>
To: tc-list@scholar.cc.emory.edu
Subject: Re: Isaiah 7:11
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On Mon, 29 Jan 1996, Jim Deardorff wrote:

> On Mon, 29 Jan 1996, MR. DAVE FOUTS wrote:
> 
> > I trust you'll forgive a TC discussion from the Old Testament.  

I hope OT textual critcism is not off-limits here?  ;)


> > Recently, on another listserv (either B-Hebrew or ANE), another 
> > individual was requesting input on Isa. 7:11, wherein the great 
> > Isaiah scroll reads m'm or m'b rather than the MT's m<m (from with).
> > I know of no other manuscript with this reading, and think that 
> > though the Isaiah scroll's reading of from the mother of or from the 
> > father of (YHWH) is far more difficult, the context nowhere in the 
> > passage nor in Scripture refers to a mother or father of YHWH.
> > Any input?
> 
> Were you referring to Is 7:14 here, Dave, rather than 7:11?  (Since I 
> don't read Hebrew I need to ask, also since my RSV Bible gives no hint 
> that any "mother of YHVH" or "father of JHVH" enters in anywhere.)

The reading "mother of" is the variant in the Qumran scroll, and that is 
why you don't see it in the RSV.

As for the original question, perhaps the laryngeals had weakened so much 
at this stage of Hebrew that the scribe sometimes substituted alef for 
ayin.  Because the Qumran reading is so difficult and unattested 
elsewhere, it could easily just be dismissed.  My suggestion -- and I 
know he'll have something to say about the weaening of laryngeals -- is 
to check out E. Y. Kutscher's massive monograph on the Isaiah Scroll and 
see what he has to say about this variant.

I believe it is called _The Language of the Isaiah Scroll_ and was 
published by Brill.

 
> But perhaps you or another on the list can fill in some background for me 
> on the entire passage.  Who is it that is speaking in Is 7:13-17 on?  The 
> RSV English makes it seem as if it is Ahaz still speaking at this point, 
> because 7:13 starts out "And he said," and if it had been Isaiah himself 
> speaking, it should have read, "And I said..."  Yet I feel it must have 
> been Isaiah, the prophet, speaking there!  

D. Winton Thomas actually suggested the emendation to "And I said...".  
The NJPS translation keeps the 3rd person singular subject -- with Isaiah 
as the speaker -- and assumes that Isaiah's name was simply elided.  I 
think this is a reasonable way to understand this passage.



andrew gross

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From: Jim Deardorff <deardorj@ucs.orst.edu>
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On Tue, 30 Jan 1996, Andrew Gross wrote:
> .....

   (I wrote:)  
> > Who is it that is speaking in Is 7:13-17 on?  The 
> > RSV English makes it seem as if it is Ahaz still speaking at this point, 
> > because 7:13 starts out "And he said," and if it had been Isaiah himself 
> > speaking, it should have read, "And I said..."  Yet I feel it must have 
> > been Isaiah, the prophet, speaking there!  

> D. Winton Thomas actually suggested the emendation to "And I said...".  
> The NJPS translation keeps the 3rd person singular subject -- with Isaiah 
> as the speaker -- and assumes that Isaiah's name was simply elided.  I 
> think this is a reasonable way to understand this passage.

To me this sort of editorial confusion suggests a substantial amount of 
editorial work went on here before this area of Isaiah got patched together.
Thus I'm not at all sure the Immanuel prophecy even belonged originally in 
with the Ahaz story.

Thanks for the recommendation on the Kutscher monograph.

Jim Deardorff
Oregon State University


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From: "MR. DAVE FOUTS" <FOUTSDA@bryannet.bryan.edu>
Organization:  Bryan College Dayton, TN 37321
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> Date sent:      Mon, 29 Jan 1996 16:56:02 -0800 (PST)
> From:           Jim Deardorff <deardorj@ucs.orst.edu>
> To:             tc-list@scholar.cc.emory.edu
> Copies to:      tc-list@scholar.cc.emory.edu
> Subject:        Re: Isaiah 7:11
> Send reply to:  tc-list@scholar.cc.emory.edu

> On Mon, 29 Jan 1996, MR. DAVE FOUTS wrote:
> 
> > I trust you'll forgive a TC discussion from the Old Testament.  
> > Recently, on another listserv (either B-Hebrew or ANE), another 
> > individual was requesting input on Isa. 7:11, wherein the great 
> > Isaiah scroll reads m'm or m'b rather than the MT's m<m (from with).
> > I know of no other manuscript with this reading, and think that 
> > though the Isaiah scroll's reading of from the mother of or from the 
> > father of (YHWH) is far more difficult, the context nowhere in the 
> > passage nor in Scripture refers to a mother or father of YHWH.
> > Any input?
> 
> Were you referring to Is 7:14 here, Dave, rather than 7:11?  (Since I 
> don't read Hebrew I need to ask, also since my RSV Bible gives no hint 
> that any "mother of YHVH" or "father of JHVH" enters in anywhere.)

No, Isaiah 7:11 (MT) reads sh'al lka 'ot m<m yhwh 'eloheka ha<emeq 
s'alah hagebeach lma<elah (forgive the computerized transliteration):
"Ask for yourself a sign from (with) the LORD your God; make it as 
deep as Sheol or high as heaven."


> 
> But perhaps you or another on the list can fill in some background for me 
> on the entire passage.  Who is it that is speaking in Is 7:13-17 on?  The 
> RSV English makes it seem as if it is Ahaz still speaking at this point, 
> because 7:13 starts out "And he said," and if it had been Isaiah himself 
> speaking, it should have read, "And I said..."  Yet I feel it must have 
> been Isaiah, the prophet, speaking there!  

7:13 seems to indicate a change of speaker from 7:12 with its 
introductory wayyo'mer addressed to the house of David (i.e. Ahaz). > 
> Jim Deardorff
> Oregon State University
> 
> 
Dr. Dave Fouts
Bryan College

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In reply to Andrew Gross, the tc-list is intended for the discussion of 
_biblical_ textual criticism "broadly construed."  This includes both 
HB/OT and NT, as well as t-c discussions that cross the canonical 
boundaries, deal with general issues of methodology, or look at 
apocryphal/deuterocanonical passages, to name only a few possible topics.

Jimmy Adair
Manager of Information Technology Services, Scholars Press
    and
Managing Editor of TELA, the Scholars Press World Wide Web Site
---------------> http://scholar.cc.emory.edu <-----------------


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Date: Tue, 30 Jan 1996 11:49:03 -0500 (EST)
From: David Moore <dvdmoore@dcfreenet.seflin.lib.fl.us>
Subject: Re: Isaiah 7:11
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On Tue, 30 Jan 1996, Andrew Gross wrote:

> On Mon, 29 Jan 1996, Jim Deardorff wrote:
> 
> > On Mon, 29 Jan 1996, MR. DAVE FOUTS wrote:
> > 
> > > I trust you'll forgive a TC discussion from the Old Testament.  
> 
> I hope OT textual critcism is not off-limits here?  ;)
> 
> 
> > > Recently, on another listserv (either B-Hebrew or ANE), another 
> > > individual was requesting input on Isa. 7:11, wherein the great 
> > > Isaiah scroll reads m'm or m'b rather than the MT's m<m (from with).
> > > I know of no other manuscript with this reading, and think that 
> > > though the Isaiah scroll's reading of from the mother of or from the 
> > > father of (YHWH) is far more difficult, the context nowhere in the 
> > > passage nor in Scripture refers to a mother or father of YHWH.
> > > Any input?
> > 
> > Were you referring to Is 7:14 here, Dave, rather than 7:11?  (Since I 
> > don't read Hebrew I need to ask, also since my RSV Bible gives no hint 
> > that any "mother of YHVH" or "father of JHVH" enters in anywhere.)
> 
> The reading "mother of" is the variant in the Qumran scroll, and that is 
> why you don't see it in the RSV.

	Oddly, BHS, which often cites Qumran documents in its apparatus, 
includes no mention of this variant.

David L. Moore                             Southeastern Spanish District
Miami, Florida                               of the  Assemblies of God
dvdmoore@dcfreenet.seflin.lib.fl.us           Department of Education
http://members.aol.com/dvdmoore


From majordom  Tue Jan 30 22:45:55 1996
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Maurice Robinson wrote;
>On Mon, 29 Jan 1996, Carlton Winbery wrote:
>
>> I would like to comment on the textual problem at I
>> Cor 12:3.  I am persuaded that the original is KAUXHSWMAI supported by P46,
>> aleph, A B and others.  Some scribe (perhaps in a scriptorum) heard that
>> word and wrote KAUQHSWMAI (Psi, and a many others).  Another scribe saw
>> that reading and changed it to KAUQHSOMAI (C D F G L the whole latin
>> tradition and some others).  The aorist deponent subjunctive with hINA
>> makes good sense here, "in order that I might boast."
>
>(Let me insert a small but significant addendum to the data above: the
>reading KAUQHSWMAI of Psi "and many others" actually encompasses the
>entire Byzantine/Majority tradition, and this fact should not be minimized
>in the discussion which follows).

In addition to a number of Fathers beginning with Tertullian, but I do not
think that counting mss is the name of the game.

>The problem I see with the above approach is that KAUQHSOMAI/KAUQHSWMAI is
>clearly the "more difficult" reading.  Paul uses the concept of "boasting"
>almost to excess, particularly in the Corinthian correspondence. Nowhere
>else does he speak of giving one's body to be burnt, and even the
>particular locus of that reference in the immediate context is problematic.
>
>By applying the principle of favoring the reading most likely to give rise
>to the other(s), as well as acknowledging the reading which was most
>difficult (to the scribe), either KAUQHSWMAI or KAUQHSOMAI would be
>favored over the "easier" and "more familiar" Pauline verb KAUXHSWMAI.

There must be a distinction between "more difficult" and absurd.  The
origin of KAUQHSOMAI is difficult to account for unless a scribe made the
mistake that introduced the bogus form KAUQHSWMAI.  The latter is clearly
the middle of this equation.

>Even were dictation utilized in a scriptorium (which from my own
>examination of variants and their causes I consider to be the extremely
>rare case when speaking of NT Greek MSS), an error of hearing between the
>phonemes Chi and Theta would not be all that likely, since one is a
>gutteral and the other a labial.  Yet even if phonetic confusion occurred,
>the tendency of a scribe then would be to favor what he in his own mind
>and hearing THOUGHT was a more common reading over one which would be less
>common, and especially a concept of giving one's body "to be burned," which
>would be unique to Paul.

We have ample examples of confusion of sounds more desparate than this.
However, the suggestion of an error of hearing was only a suggestion.
Others have suggested that a scribe would have changed KAUXHSWMAI to
KAUQHSWMAI because of other difficulties (Metzger, p. 564).

>More problematic than either of these matters is the supposition that a
>single scribe creating a more difficult reading by an error or hearing
>would somehow produce a MS copy which then would become the mother of
>virtually all subsequent MSS.  This hypothesis assumes that no
>contemporary or later scribe would ever notice the difference, let alone
>simply correct such an error by cross-comparison with another pre-existing
>exemplar.

You speak as though every scribe or even most scribes knew many other mss.
Such was not the case. The Alexandrian tradition was hidden from most of
the scribes for a very long time.

>A major problem with modern eclecticism (whether reasoned or rigorous) is
>its failure to ignore the problems of the historical transmission of the
>text throughout history; this is one such case where attention to the
>historical possibilities of manuscript transmission weighs heavily in
>determining a conclusion.
>
>That an error producing a "more difficult" reading could so easily corrupt
>the mass of the MS tradition bodes ill for the certain recovery of the
>original text by any currently-recognized and responsible principles of NT
>textual criticism.

I don't quite understand this assertion.  You seem to be saying that the
flow of mss traditions was an unbroken stream.  Such was not the case.
There were major interruptions in the transmission of the text of the NT,
the fact that Latin eclipsed much of the tradition in the west, the north
African and middle Eastern traditions went underground because of the
Muslim takeover there, the Byzantine traditions eventually flooded into
Europe in the Crusades and with the fall of Constantinople.  Majority text
people speak as though none of these happened.

>It is also significant that the Western tradition (D F G, as well as the
>Old Latin, known to be 2nd century in origin) would have virtually
>unanimously accepted such an "difficult" erroneous reading and perpetuated
>it (though changing the apparent subjunctive to an indicative -- another
>case of moving toward an "easier" reading, but this time grammatically).
>Yet under such a hypothesis, there still remained MSS of that era (P46)
>and even two or more centuries later (Aleph A B) which still maintained
>the supposed "original" reading whereby the "difficult reading" error
>could easily have been corrected.

Apparently they did and for an even longer period if the bonehead reading
were original.

>Allowing the Byzantine "more difficult" reading of KAUQHSWMAI to be
>original on the other hand, everything explains itself well.  The tendency
>of some scribes to gravitate to a more usual Pauline expression or
>"boasting" may have played some part, but also the grammatical issue of
>the peculiar subjunctive (?) form might on the one hand cause some scribes
>to alter -SWMAI to -SOMAI, leaving the -Q- intact and other scribes to
>seize the opportunity of presuming an error in their exemplar, and to
>correct the text from a -Q- to a -X-, with a grammatically "normal"
>KAUXHSWMAI (Middle Deponent Subjunctive) in its place -- again a
>temptation to move to the "easier" reading, both in content and in
>grammar.  From this standpoint, it then is no surprise to find a SMALL
>minority of scribes reading either KAUXHSWMAI or KAUQHSOMAI as opposed to
>the 98%+ Byzantine reading of KAUQHSWMAI, which is grammatically and
>contextually "more difficult", and thus more liable to give rise to the
>remaining readings.

I find it very difficult to think that scribes would have corrected
KAUQHSWMAI to KAUXHSWMAI instead of KAUQHSOMAI.
>
>The problem comes down to this: WHY -- on what reasonable grounds --
>should the vast majority of all MSS ever have perpetuated a reading which
>they knew was grammatically questionable and contextually problematic,
>assuming that a perfectly good alternative existed in variant readings
>known and perpetuated in either the Latin or Alexandrian traditions.

This assumes that the Byzantine scribes knew those mss, which simply was
not the case.  Tischendorf found aleph in 1854.  Vaticanus was descovered
in the Vatican in the 17th century.  P46 was discovered in this century.
Its easy to imagine different scenarios, but the reality is that a reading
in the vast majority of the ms tradition can be wrong.

>It hardly seems likely that any alteration to the text of a MS which would
>produce a grammatically questionable and "more difficult" reading would
>ever be perpetuated in the vast majority of MSS.  If this indeed be the
>case, the reading in question seems far more likely to be a reflection
>of the autograph text than any alteration to such.

For the Byzantine scribes who preferred KAUQHSOMAI, KAUXHSWMAI would have
been a more "difficult" alternative.  If a person gave up one's body, how
could they "glory" in it.

The reading KAUQHSWMAI/KAUQHSOMAI would have been very unlikely in the time
of Paul.  (Daniel is most likely not the catelist here.)  After Nero used
Christians to light his games and martyrdom came to be practiced, the
alteration of the text to include burning is much more likely.  It is very
difficult to reject the reading of P46, aleph, A, B, the "queen" of the
cursives, the Coptic tradition, Clement Origen and Jerome on such shaky
ground as you present.

Carlton L. Winbery
Prof. Religion
LA College, Pineville, La
winberyc@popalex1.linknet.net



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From: Andrew  Gross <aqg3222@is.nyu.edu>
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On Tue, 30 Jan 1996, David Moore wrote:

> On Tue, 30 Jan 1996, Andrew Gross wrote:
> 
> > The reading "mother of" is the variant in the Qumran scroll, and that is 
> > why you don't see it in the RSV.
> 
> 	Oddly, BHS, which often cites Qumran documents in its apparatus, 
> includes no mention of this variant.


This is not so surprising.  The editors of BHS did not mechanically cite
every single variant that exists.  They culled through all of them and
simply noted those which they thought would be of some interest.  Those
which they deemed to be complete abberations, they simply left out.  D. 
Winston Thomas, who edited Isaiah for BHS, must have decided that this 
variant was not worth noting.



cheers,



andrew gross


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On Mon, 29 Jan 1996, Maurice Robinson wrote:
> 
> On Mon, 29 Jan 1996, Stephen C Carlson wrote:
> 
> > Specifically, I have a question about Mt19:20 --
> > 
> > EFULACA
> > 	{A} 01* B L Theta f1 579 900 it.aur,ff1,g1,l vg Jermoe etc.
> > EFULACA EK NEOTHTOS (see Lk18:21)
> > 	(01.d NEOTHTOS MOU) D it.d
> > EFULACAMHN EK NEOTHTOS MOU (see Mk10:20)
> > 	C W Delta f13 28 33 etc. Byz
> > 
> > Although the EFULACAMHN ... reading is attributed to harmonization to
> > Mark in my UBS4 apparatus and is not found in the best manuscripts,
> 
> Both of those claims are subjective judgments.  I would question both of 
> them from my own text-critical perspective.
> 
> > what about the fact the middle voice presents a more difficult reading
> > (it seems to be a Semiticism/LXXism; good literary Greek calls for the
> > active voice)?  
> 
> The middle voice is "more difficult" more because it differs from the other 
> readings. Since Mark does have the middle voice without significant 
> variation, I would not make a specific judgement on it being more 
> difficult in context, even in Matthew.  
> 
> I would suggest that the reading of Aleph B L Theta etc. is more likely to
> reflect an accidental line omission of 16 letter (following the Byzantine
> Text) than to have been the original reading, specifically due to the 
> extremely limited and not even texttype-specific support that reading 
> possesses.  The reading of D, being basically unique to itself, is not 
> unusal in this case, being a typical sloppy omission of various 
> characters from the Byzantine reading.
> 
> > Finally, vv16, 17, 20 in many MSS (esp. Byzantines)
> > show a harmonization to Mark (and Luke).  Is this typical?  I would
> > thing that, given the importance of Matthew, that the harmonization
> > would go the other direction.
> 
> The question is primarily whether those other MSS which harmonize are in 
> a significant numerical quantity, or whether they are merely isolated 
> cases which happen to go that direction.  In almost all cases, 
> harmonization among individual MSS is observed to head for Matthew.

A study of the Synoptic parallels of this pericope in Aland's _Synopsis 
Quattuor Evangeliorum_ shows that the Byzantine text tends to add 
material in all the gospels to make them conform _somewhat_ to the 
others.  There is no conscious effort to harmonize; rather, it seems that 
isolated words (AGAQH in Mt 19:16, SOU in Lk 18:20, MOU in Lk 18:21) are 
supplied from one or another gospel (cf. also the addition of ARAS TON 
STAURON from another context in Mk 10:21 Byz; also TI ME LEGEIS AGAQON; 
OUDEIS AGAQOS EI MH O QEOS from Mk and Lk in Mt 19:17 Byz).  What appears 
to have happened is that various scribes over time, as they copied their 
mss, occasionally changed them somewhat in the direction of another, 
usually fuller, version.  Without any indicator of parablepsis, 
accidental omission of 16 letters seems unlikely.  The argument about a 
"significant numerical quantity" carries no weight when the history of 
the development of the text of the NT over 1500 years or so is taken into 
account.

Jimmy Adair
Manager of Information Technology Services, Scholars Press
    and
Managing Editor of TELA, the Scholars Press World Wide Web Site
---------------> http://scholar.cc.emory.edu <-----------------


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To what extent has the Merkavah mystical tradion has ifluenced the NT. What
was the first century Christian heavenly cosmology. Was Christ God? Or was
he the Mediator, a metatron. Was He the Torah incarnate an object of the
Merkavah mystical tradition. As this tradition was discovered within early
rabbinic texts and Qumran as well as many non-cannonical texts. 

Bradley Harrison
Phila. PA
MA JS Gratz College  

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On Mon, 29 Jan 1996, Maurice Robinson wrote:

> The problem I see with the above approach is that KAUQHSOMAI/KAUQHSWMAI is
> clearly the "more difficult" reading.  Paul uses the concept of "boasting"
> almost to excess, particularly in the Corinthian correspondence. Nowhere 
> else does he speak of giving one's body to be burnt, and even the 
> particular locus of that reference in the immediate context is problematic.
> 
> By applying the principle of favoring the reading most likely to give rise
> to the other(s), as well as acknowledging the reading which was most
> difficult (to the scribe), either KAUQHSWMAI or KAUQHSOMAI would be
> favored over the "easier" and "more familiar" Pauline verb KAUXHSWMAI. 
> 

KAUXHSWMAI may have been the more difficult reading when Paul wrote, but 
with the frenzy toward martyrdom that swept over the church from the late 
(?) second through the early fourth centuries, KAUQHSOMAI would not have 
been considered difficult at all to copyists--it might even have been 
favored on theological grounds.  As for the reading KAUQHSWMAI, I have my 
doubts that many scribes found it all that difficult.  True, it's not 
"good" Greek, but so many mss, particularly later ones, exhibit similar 
shifts in spelling, that the fact that it appears in the majority of mss 
does not seem very remarkable.

> 
> More problematic than either of these matters is the supposition that a
> single scribe creating a more difficult reading by an error or hearing
> would somehow produce a MS copy which then would become the mother of
> virtually all subsequent MSS.  This hypothesis assumes that no
> contemporary or later scribe would ever notice the difference, let alone
> simply correct such an error by cross-comparison with another pre-existing
> exemplar.  

But in fact, this is exactly what happens in numerous instances in the ms 
tradition: a change in one ms, which happens to be one that is copied 
frequently, is perpetuated throughout the tradition, while the original 
reading in other, less copied, mss is reduced to a minority.  Ms traditions 
subjected to frequent copying leave themselves open to more scribal 
changes, intentional or unintentional, than less frequently copied 
traditions.

> A major problem with modern eclecticism (whether reasoned or rigorous) is
> its failure to ignore the problems of the historical transmission of the
> text throughout history; this is one such case where attention to the
> historical possibilities of manuscript transmission weighs heavily in
> determining a conclusion. 

I assume Maurice means that eclectics fail to "take into account" the 
problems of the history of the text :-).  I agree, this is a serious 
problem, and one that must be addressed if better critical editions are 
to be created.

> That an error producing a "more difficult" reading could so easily corrupt
> the mass of the MS tradition bodes ill for the certain recovery of the
> original text by any currently-recognized and responsible principles of NT
> textual criticism.  

Perhaps so, but it seems nevertheless to be the case, both here and in 
numerous other instances.  Westcott and Hort identified more than 70 
passages in which they believed "primitive corruption" occurred and 
obliterated the original reading from the ms tradition.  What NT text 
critics should learn from this situation is that they are not nearly as 
close to the "original text" as some would claim.
 
> The problem comes down to this: WHY -- on what reasonable grounds --
> should the vast majority of all MSS ever have perpetuated a reading which
> they knew was grammatically questionable and contextually problematic, 
> assuming that a perfectly good alternative existed in variant readings 
> known and perpetuated in either the Latin or Alexandrian traditions.

In light of the previous discussion, I would answer as follows.  (1) The 
scribes in the Byzantine tradition (for the most part) probably did _not_ 
know that the reading KAUQHSWMAI was grammatically questionable; (2) the 
glorification of martyrdom belies the claim that the majority reading was 
contextually problematic; (3) the scribes did not know that alternate 
readings existed, and if they had know, they would have naturally assumed 
that their own tradition was correct.

Jimmy Adair
Manager of Information Technology Services, Scholars Press
    and
Managing Editor of TELA, the Scholars Press World Wide Web Site
---------------> http://scholar.cc.emory.edu <-----------------


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From: John Wevers <jwevers@epas.utoronto.ca>
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Subject: Re: Future subjunctive
To: tc-list@scholar.cc.emory.edu
Date: Wed, 31 Jan 1996 09:17:17 -0500 (EST)
Cc: jwevers@epas.utoronto.ca (John Wevers)
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	Possibly a Septuagint scholar might join the discussion.
The last thirty years of my scholarly career has been devoted
largely to dealing with mss readings. Copyists simply did not
distinguish between the homonymic -omai and wmai. In other
words aorist subjunctives could be spelled with -o- or with -w-
almost indiscriminately. I would strongly suggest that one 
abandon the notion of a future subjunctive. Grammatically
that makes no sense, and the reading that has been
identified as a future subjunctive is nothing of the kind,
but is simply a misspelled indicative. As far as I know future
subjunctives are not attested as anything but the result of
homonymic spelling. JWW
-- 

John Wevers
Near Eastern Studies
University of Toronto
INTERNET: jwevers@epas.utoronto.ca


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A few comments on synoptic harmonization:

1) There are many, independent reasons for cross-synoptic harmonizations,
and they most certainly are of interest to textual critics.  Many classic
studies have been done on the topic, esp. in the 19th cent., by German scholars.

2) One source of these harmonizations is, of course, early gospel harmonies:
Justin's apparent harmony of the synoptics;  Tatian's Diatessaron;  the
harmony (perhaps similar/identical with Justin's?) which is preserved in the
Judiac-Christian gospel fragments, and labeled by Vielhauer/Strecker as
coming from the "Gospel according to the Ebionites";  the now-lost harmony
reportedly composed by Ammonius of Alexandria;  the now-lost harmony
reportedly composed by Theophilus of Antioch;  etc., etc.  Most of these are
second century works.

3) There has always been a tendency of scribes to harmonize subconsciously:
the memory slips, or the "better known" version of a phrase guides the pen.
In earlier periods (or in certain circles) there may have been a suspicion
on the part of copyists that a word, phrase, or verse might have been
omitted by some earlier "corrupter" (see the references in Justin,
Tertullian, and Jerome, for example, which clearly inidcate that "tampering"
with Christian texts was taken for granted in the early period:  Marcion is
a double example, charging that "Jewish" elements had been introduced into
Luke;  he then proceeded to remove them...).  With this in mind, one
understands how an early scribe might presume that a reading "must" have
been there originally, since it was in the parallel in another gospel;  such
a scribe would have no qualms in "restoring" it.

4) The motives for harmonizations are complex:  see my *Tatian's
Diatessaron,* pp. 72-76, or Tj. Baarda's article in the edited volume
*Gospel Traditions in the Second Century,* pp. 133-154.

5) The suggestions I have seen posted--and, indeed, most synoptic
theories--presuppose that "A" used "B" or "B" used "A".  Who is borrowing
from whom is decided on this basis.  I would argue that such a solution is a
bit simplistic, for the gospels did not spring "full grown" (Athena-like)
from their authors' pens (for textual evidence, see my chapter "What Text
Can NT Textual Criticism Ultimately Reach?" in B. Aland and J. Delobel, *NT
Textual Criticism, Exegesis and Church History,* pp. 136-152).  Rather--as
the various endings of Mark and the existence of, apparently, a "Secret
Mark" make clear--they evolved bit-by-bit.  Therefore, the process of
harmonization was not a "one way," "one time" event (e.g., Mark influenced
Matthew, OR Matthew influenced Mark...);  rather, the process was on-going,
repetitive, and "recursive":  at one point in the evolution of the
tradition, Mark may have been influential in shaping Matthew's text, but
then at a later date, Matthew may have influenced Mark's text.  The process
is dynamic, continuous (in the early centuries), and defies simple analysis.
One should probably speak only of influences *on a pericope* (e.g., "At Matt
xx.xx, Mark seems to have influenced Matthew's text, but at Mark xx.xx,
Matthean influence seems apparent");  generalizations about a whole gospel
should be avoided.
        Baarda once remarked to me that "Mark is the oldest of the
gospels--as well as the youngest."  What he meant was that while in many
cases the traditional "Four Source" theory holds up (giving Mark priority),
there are also cases where Mark seems to have been redacted (presumably, at
a later date) with an eye on Matthew and Luke.

6) The consideration and careful study of Patristic and versional evidence
is *absolutely essential* if one wishes to address the problems of
cross-gospel harmonization, for their evidence can often antedate ANY of the
Greek gospel MS evidence.  One ignores Justin, the Vetus Latina, the Vetus
Syra, the early apocrypha, etc., at one's peril.  Simply referencing the
apparatus in N-A or UBS is not going to give one the full picture.  Take a
look at von Soden, the IGNTP, and the volumes of the *Biblia Patristica* to
flesh out the evidence--and, sometimes, to correct the evidence in the
pocket editions.

7) For later Greek gospel MSS (say, X-XIV cents.), one must also reckon with
the "renaissance" of harmonization which took place during that period, and
which is textually documented in the many vernacular gospel harmonies in
esp. Western Europe, but also in the East (Arabic, Persian, etc.).  The
process of harmonization did not "end" at a given date, but continues even
to today, in translations:  compare the RSV with the NRSV at Matt. 27.54
with Mark 15.39;  now compare the Greek.


--Petersen, Religious Studies, Penn State Univ.



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Subject: OT AND NT (Merkavah mysticism)
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On Jan. 31, Bradley Harrison wrote:

>To what extent has the Merkavah mystical tradion has ifluenced the NT. What
>was the first century Christian heavenly cosmology. Was Christ God? Or was
>he the Mediator, a metatron. Was He the Torah incarnate an object of the
>Merkavah mystical tradition. As this tradition was discovered within early
>rabbinic texts and Qumran as well as many non-cannonical texts. 
>
>Bradley Harrison
>Phila. PA
>MA JS Gratz College  
>
>
There are a number of sources which discuss the (possible) connections:
see, for example, Alan Segal's recent book *Paul the Convert*, in the index,
under "Merkabah"--there are a number of references.  See also in the index
of Jarl Fossum, *The Name of God and the Angel of the Lord*.  The topic also
crops up *passim* in *Gershom Scholem's Major Trends in Jewish Mysticism. 50
Years After*, a volume edited by P. Schaefer and J. Dan (Tuebingen: JCB
Mohr, 1993).  See also G. Quispel's various essays, collected as *Gnostic
Studies* (2 vols.).

--Petersen, Penn State University


From majordom  Wed Jan 31 18:36:13 1996
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Date: Wed, 31 Jan 1996 18:33:34 -0500 (EST)
From: Maurice Robinson <mrobinsn@mercury.interpath.com>
To: tc-list@scholar.cc.emory.edu
Subject: Re: Future subjunctive
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On Tue, 30 Jan 1996, Carlton Winbery wrote:

> >reading KAUQHSWMAI of Psi "and many others" actually encompasses the
> >entire Byzantine/Majority tradition, and this fact should not be minimized
> >in the discussion which follows).
> 
> In addition to a number of Fathers beginning with Tertullian, but I do not
> think that counting mss is the name of the game.

Nor do I per se; however, when speaking of scribal proclivities and 
tendencies, the question of whether an error will become so widespread as 
to encompass virtually the entire manuscript tradition must be taken 
seriously.

> There must be a distinction between "more difficult" and absurd.  The
> origin of KAUQHSOMAI is difficult to account for unless a scribe made the
> mistake that introduced the bogus form KAUQHSWMAI.  The latter is clearly
> the middle of this equation.

But is "to be burnt" absurd?  Even the 1881 Revised Version and the 1901
American Standard Version continued to read with the Byzantine text, and
this reading is still followed by the RSV and the NIV, among many other
translations -- and it certainly cannot be argued that any of these
translations felt compelled to preserve the KJV/TR reading.  Obviously
modern translators have text-critical opinions which differ radically from
the modern eclectic school as regards their view as to what might be 
absurd *:-).   Actually, the meaning of "give my body that I might boast" 
is also a crux interpretum which is not readily resolved either.

But even allowing that a scribe might accidentally create a term which
would be either "difficult" or "absurd" -- why then would few (if any)
subsequent scribes ever attempt to correct such a reading?   Of course, 
if the reading were actually that of the autograph, scribes would tend to 
preserve it regardless of perceived absurdity or error (e.g. "Jeremiah" 
in Mt.27:9).

> >rare case when speaking of NT Greek MSS), an error of hearing between the
> >phonemes Chi and Theta would not be all that likely, since one is a
> >gutteral and the other a labial.  Yet even if phonetic confusion occurred,

I need to correct myself here -- Chi is a gutteral, but Theta is a 
dental.  Slip of the mind while the fingers typed away.

> We have ample examples of confusion of sounds more desparate than this.

Agreed.  However, there are astoundingly few cases which can be alleged 
where such confusion (producing an "absurdity") would be perpetuated in 
more than a dozen or so MSS -- not the bulk of the entire MS tradition.
This is why O'Callaghan's claims on the 7Q4 papyrus being Markan can be 
dismissed -- he not only has to posit an error of omission but also a 
change from a delta to a theta producing a nonsense spelling, neither of 
which has any other textual support.  

> However, the suggestion of an error of hearing was only a suggestion.
> Others have suggested that a scribe would have changed KAUXHSWMAI to
> KAUQHSWMAI because of other difficulties (Metzger, p. 564).

The error of hearing could occur even in manual copying, since scribes 
would read aloud as they copied, and confusion could occur at any one of 
four steps in a manual copying process (Metzger, Text of the NT).  The 
Metzger Textual Commentary is of course trying to defend the reading the 
editors favored, but I still think they are clutching at some very 
thin straws on this one.

> >virtually all subsequent MSS.  This hypothesis assumes that no
> >contemporary or later scribe would ever notice the difference, let alone
> >simply correct such an error by cross-comparison with another pre-existing
> >exemplar.
> 
> You speak as though every scribe or even most scribes knew many other mss.
> Such was not the case. The Alexandrian tradition was hidden from most of
> the scribes for a very long time.

I certainly would agree on that latter point, since I would consider the 
entire Alexandrian tradition primarily to reflect a "local text" of Egypt 
which did not have significant impact in the primary Greek-speaking 
portion of the Empire, from Southern Italy through Northern Palestine.  
But monasteries and scriptoriums did exist scattered in all these 
regions, and scribes did have access to more MS copies than the one 
exemplar they were working with, as evidenced frequently by contemporary 
corrections from MSS of differing families and texttypes which appear in 
our present copies.  I would not suggest that scribes would have much 
knowledge of MS traditions beyond their own local area or even their own 
monastery or church situation, but I would maintain that additional 
copies for comparison and cross-correction were generally available, 
even if not in quantity.

> I don't quite understand this assertion.  You seem to be saying that the
> flow of mss traditions was an unbroken stream.  Such was not the case.
> There were major interruptions in the transmission of the text of the NT,
> the fact that Latin eclipsed much of the tradition in the west, the north

Since the Greek tradition appears never to have entered the West, I would 
not suggest any "eclipse"; rather I would suggest as most handbooks that 
the Latin had its origins in a European and African form, which derived 
most probably from central Italy and Rome on the one hand and Carthage on 
the other hand.  The origin of the Latin tradition would have been Greek 
MSS, but of a limited variety reflecting the "popular" Western variety of 
text during the early "uncontrolled popular text" period before AD 200.

The stream of transmission certainly has its byways and rivulets, but 
basically there remains a constant flow, and it would exist in the 
primary Greek-speaking portion of the Empire more than in the fringe 
areas where local texts would abound.

> African and middle Eastern traditions went underground because of the
> Muslim takeover there

Although the Muslim conquest did occur, there is little evidence that the 
stream of transmission was in any serious way affected.  The Coptic 
church and its MSS (Alexandrian text) have continued in an unbroken chain 
to the present day, even under the harshest Islamic restrictions.  The 
Coptic church did not have to go "underground" -- it is true that 
non-Muslims were penalized with heavier taxes to force conversion, but 
those who held out were permitted freedom of worship in Egypt during the 
centuries in question.

> the Byzantine traditions eventually flooded into
> Europe in the Crusades and with the fall of Constantinople.  Majority text
> people speak as though none of these happened.

Byzantine Greek MSS were brought into the West after the sack of
Constantinople during the Fourth Crusade.  However, the Western Churches
and monastaries had little use for the MSS written in a Greek they could
not read.  That the Textus Receptus happened to be created initially by
Erasmus from the (primarily) Byzantine MSS he was able to obtain in
Western monasteries in and around Basel does not imply that the Byzantine
Textform in any way ever influenced the Latin Church tradition in Western
Europe.  Even the Complutensian Polyglot continually had to place &&&&&&
in its Latin text where the basically Byzantine Greek text of that edition
had a longer reading.  But there was no cross-influence from the Byzantine
Textform which affected Western Europe until long AFTER the Reformation 
took hold.

The continued use and perpetuation of the Byzantine text remained centered
in Greece and Asia Minor throughout the entire period of Greek MS
transmission.  Those favoring a Byzantine-priority hypothesis (which is
not precisely the same as a majority text position) clearly would
recognize the precise facts of history along with their impact, exactly as
they occurred. 

> >It is also significant that the Western tradition (D F G, as well as the
> >Old Latin, known to be 2nd century in origin) would have virtually
> >unanimously accepted such an "difficult" erroneous reading and perpetuated
> >it (though changing the apparent subjunctive to an indicative -- another
> >case of moving toward an "easier" reading, but this time grammatically).
> >Yet under such a hypothesis, there still remained MSS of that era (P46)
> >and even two or more centuries later (Aleph A B) which still maintained
> >the supposed "original" reading whereby the "difficult reading" error
> >could easily have been corrected.
> 
> Apparently they did and for an even longer period if the bonehead reading
> were original.

Let me once more suggest that the term "absurd" or even "bonehead"  is
really unfair to the translators of the ERV/ASV/RSV/NIV etc., as well as
being clearly prejudicial.  An assessment such as "more difficult" 
definitely would be preferable. *:-)  The question remains, however, in 
light of my above paragraph, that if the difficult reading were in fact 
so problematic, why is it that so few scribes after the 4th century ever 
attempted to correct it, when such correction of difficult readings is 
presumed to be a genuine scribal characteristic -- especially of 
Byzantine-era scribes?

> I find it very difficult to think that scribes would have corrected
> KAUQHSWMAI to KAUXHSWMAI instead of KAUQHSOMAI.

I personally would agree.  And in fact (assuming KAUQHSWMAI to be 
original) more scribes DID make the alteration from the apparent 
problematic future (?) subjunctive into KAQHSOMAI than made the 
correction to the "easier" reading of KAUXHSWMAI.  I suspect the handful 
of witnesses that went for the -X- in place of the -Q- did so quite 
deliberately and in order to smooth a perceived difficulty by choosing a 
more "Pauline" word rather than perpetuate a reading which would still 
remain difficult of interpretation, even were the -W- altered to -O-.

> >The problem comes down to this: WHY -- on what reasonable grounds --
> >should the vast majority of all MSS ever have perpetuated a reading which
> >they knew was grammatically questionable and contextually problematic,
> >assuming that a perfectly good alternative existed in variant readings
> >known and perpetuated in either the Latin or Alexandrian traditions.
> 
> This assumes that the Byzantine scribes knew those mss, which simply was
> not the case.  Tischendorf found aleph in 1854.  Vaticanus was descovered
> in the Vatican in the 17th century.  P46 was discovered in this century.
> Its easy to imagine different scenarios, but the reality is that a reading
> in the vast majority of the ms tradition can be wrong.

I certainly would not suggest that any Byzantine scribe knew the readings 
of the Alexandrian MSS.  Some may have, on a small scale, but most were 
familiar with and content to deal with the text which had continually 
been preserved in their locality -- a text which, even though with small 
differences in subgroupings, nevertheless remained basically constant 
during the entire period of MS transmission from the 4th century through 
the 16th.  The problem reverts back to transmissional history, and, in 
regard to the present reading, exactly HOW a "more difficult" reading, 
supposedly created in error by a single scribe (maybe even by a small 
number of scribes on different occasions) could not only remain 
uncorrected by subsequent scribes, but also grow and multiply to 
overwhelm the entire MS tradition, when a far easier and apparently more 
"logical" Pauline term was theoretically the autograph.  I simply fail to 
see the logic in such a scenario.

> For the Byzantine scribes who preferred KAUQHSOMAI, KAUXHSWMAI would have
> been a more "difficult" alternative.  If a person gave up one's body, how
> could they "glory" in it.

And equally, if it had been "given up", how could it be burnt?  I fail to 
see any logical connection here, nor do I see in PARADW TO SWMA MOU a 
clear meaning to the scribe viewing it from either reading.

> The reading KAUQHSWMAI/KAUQHSOMAI would have been very unlikely in the time
> of Paul.  

And of course, since it would be a hapax usage of the verb in this 
context within Paul.  But likewise, KAUXHSWMAI in conjunction with PARADW 
and SWMA also would be a hapax usage in Paul, so this approach seems to 
me to lead nowhere.

> (Daniel is most likely not the catelist here.)  

Agreed -- I only pointed out the incongruity of the N27 edition putting 
the cross-reference to Daniel in their margin, when that cross-reference 
could only point to the Byzantine reading and not the Alexandrian.

> After Nero used
> Christians to light his games and martyrdom came to be practiced, the
> alteration of the text to include burning is much more likely.  

But this would take us right back to the first century and even the time 
of Paul (depending on a second Roman imprisonment and its chronology), so 
the point of the Byzantine reading may have a definite reference (but I 
would not argue it or press it).

> It is very
> difficult to reject the reading of P46, aleph, A, B, the "queen" of the
> cursives, the Coptic tradition, Clement Origen and Jerome on such shaky
> ground as you present.

Since I would not consider my line of argument to be "shaky" in this 
regard, I do not think there is as much serious weakness with the 
Byzantine reading in this instance as there is with the Alexandrian.

As for the testimony cited, I am not surprised that MSS with a likely 
Egyptian connection (P46 Aleph, A, B) would tend to agree with the Egyptian 
version (Coptic) which shares the Alexandrian (local) texttype.  MS 33 -- 
whatever its origin -- maintains those connections, probably through its 
uncial exemplar.  Clement of Alexandria and Origen who spent time in 
Egypt also do not move this reading beyond a limited local text status.  
Jerome's influence is through scholarly MSS provided him in Palestine, 
either by way of Eusebius, coming from Origen or directly from the 
scholars in Alexandria.  So basically I still see the Alexandrian reading 
as maintaining the localized Egyptian connection, and thus far easier to 
dismiss than the circumstance of the remainder of the MS tradition.

=========================================================================
                       Maurice A. Robinson, Ph.D.
            Associate Professor of Greek and New Testament
              Southeastern Baptist Theological Seminary
                      Wake Forest, North Carolina
                   <mrobinsn@mercury.interpath.com>
=========================================================================

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From: Maurice Robinson <mrobinsn@mercury.interpath.com>
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On Wed, 31 Jan 1996, James R. Adair wrote:

> A study of the Synoptic parallels of this pericope in Aland's _Synopsis 
> Quattuor Evangeliorum_ shows that the Byzantine text tends to add 
> material in all the gospels to make them conform _somewhat_ to the 
> others.  

I would note that for this statement to hold, an _a priori_ assessment of 
the Byzantine Textform as both "late" and "secondary" must exist.  From a 
Byzantine-priority standpoint, one merely finds parallel agreements from 
which MSS of other textual traditions happen to vary (as they do frequently).

The only sure guide to determining how prone any given MS, version or 
Father might be toward assimilation/harmonization is from an analysis of 
that witness' singular readings (of which Aland's Synopsis provides a 
good number of examples, though by no means exhaustive). 

Readings held in common by witnesses of a given textual tradition are not
automatically "harmonizing" or "disharmonizing" unless and until a deeper
analysis of the witnesses comprising such a tradition has been made and a
determination as to whether such a tendency was sufficiently great to
affect the tradition as a whole.  From various tests made upon MSS of the
Byzantine tradition (cf. Wisselink), the tendency appears to be minimal. 

> There is no conscious effort to harmonize; rather, it seems that 
> isolated words (AGAQH in Mt 19:16, SOU in Lk 18:20, MOU in Lk 18:21) are 
> supplied from one or another gospel (cf. also the addition of ARAS TON 
> STAURON from another context in Mk 10:21 Byz; also TI ME LEGEIS AGAQON; 
> OUDEIS AGAQOS EI MH O QEOS from Mk and Lk in Mt 19:17 Byz).  

I would agree with the primary claim that there is no conscious effort to 
harmonize, either among the Byzantine MSS or the Alexandrian MSS as a whole.
I would not accept the texttype-specific examples given above, however, 
since I also fully agree that it is only "isolated words" which tend to 
become harmonized, and that basically occurring in "isolated MSS" and not 
texttypes as a whole.  I see a key methodological error (which began with 
Westcott and Hort) in attributing to entire texttypes elements which 
properly concern only individual elements of that texttype, and then only 
in "isolated case" examples.

> What appears 
> to have happened is that various scribes over time, as they copied their 
> mss, occasionally changed them somewhat in the direction of another, 
> usually fuller, version.  

Agreed.  I would not minimize accidental or deliberate omission for
whatever various reasons, however (which omission may also "harmonize" 
one gospel to another).  But addition or substitution would remain the
primary harmonizing tools. 

> Without any indicator of parablepsis, 
> accidental omission of 16 letters seems unlikely.  

But which MSS are we talking about?  Not a large number, but also not all
genetically (texttype) connected; this is of some significance. 

Aleph*, however, is corrected by a near-contemporary scribe in this place,
which could maximize the possibility of accidental line-omission in the
case of that MS (line-omission is known frequently to occur in Aleph). 

Nevertheless, the fact that strong Alexandrian MSS such as B and L agree
on this reading clearly indicates that it goes back to a texttype-specific
reading in a nonextant exemplar. Similarly with the strong Caesarean
witnesses Theta f1 579 and 700*.  Cyprian and part of the Latin tradition
may also reflect a common origin which links into a primitive archetype
which underlies both the Alexandrian and Caesarean texttypes.  

If so, then I would consider the shorter text here either as coming from a
primitive line omission which occurred in a MS that served as a source for
both the Alexandrian and Caesarean texttypes, or -- and possibly more
appealing -- that the shorter text was a result of a deliberate editorial
decision on the part of the scribe or scribes of that archetypal MS. 

However, from my own studies of Alexandrian variants, my suspicion would
remain with accidental error in an archetype MS, which error resulted in a
"sensible" reading, and thus became perpetuated within the various
localized texts which in their own ways stemmed from that archetype (I
also would see some sort of loose genealogical connection between the
Alexandrian and Caesarean texttypes). 

> The argument about a 
> "significant numerical quantity" carries no weight when the history of 
> the development of the text of the NT over 1500 years or so is taken into 
> account.

As Scrivener pointed out over a century ago, the mere multiplication of
witnesses does nothing to bolster authority beyond a certain point.  For
Scrivener, that point (for some very good reasons) happened to be the 10th
century.  Basically Scrivener dismissed the vast mass of later MSS from
the 11th-16th centuries on what appear to be reasonable grounds.  I would
be perfectly willing to adopt the same cutoff point as Scrivener for
similar reasons. Such a cutoff limit does not, however, eliminate the
basic issue of either the Byzantine Textform or the question of a
"significant numerical quantity" as an issue. 

While number does not and cannot decide anything in textual criticism
(taken as an isolated criterion), the matter of providing a satisfactory
history of transmission which fully takes into account the numerical
amount of attestation for the various readings being evaluated MUST remain
a factor.  It has been all too easy for textual critics since Westcott and
Hort to both minimize and deprecate "number" as some sort of automatic
evil, even though number in itself comprises a definite element and
component part of transmissional history. 

It should not be forgotten that Burgon himself urged SEVEN quite
responsible "notes of truth" in his methodology, and a careful and honest
examiner will never say (as did Fee) that those seven criteria are merely
seven different ways of claiming that number rules everythin and thus
Byzantine-priority advocates are merely engaging semantics over a
"nose-counting" exercise.  I would urge the interested reader to obtain a
copy of my ETS paper delivered at Chicago 1994 which responded directly to
Fee's "two test passages" in Mark in order to see how a Byzantine-priority
defense of such passages proceeds, almost without mention of number except
when attempting to determine transmissional history. 




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From: Maurice Robinson <mrobinsn@mercury.interpath.com>
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On Wed, 31 Jan 1996, James R. Adair wrote:

(Well -- you wanted to spark some discussion in the TC listserver....) *:-)

> KAUXHSWMAI may have been the more difficult reading when Paul wrote, but 

I would not think a more "normal" Pauline word would have been "more 
difficult" in Paul's own day.

> with the frenzy toward martyrdom that swept over the church from the late 
> (?) second through the early fourth centuries, KAUQHSOMAI would not have 
> been considered difficult at all to copyists--it might even have been 
> favored on theological grounds.  

Knowing the great tendency to revere martyrs in the early centuries, 
there is a point here.  But I would see this a a clear reason to continue 
to preserve among the majority of witnesses the "more difficult" Pauline 
reading of KAUQHSWMAI.  If there were tendency toward a wholesale 
alteration from "boasting" to "burning", I would suspect certain Fathers 
would have railed against deliberate alteration of the text merely to 
support martyrdom by fire.  

Which raises the more interesting question, since more saints appear to
have been crucified, shot through with arrows, flayed alive, and beheaded
than burnt, would not the tendency be more for the martyrially-inclined to
favor a more "universal" reading of "give my body that I may boast"? 

> As for the reading KAUQHSWMAI, I have my 
> doubts that many scribes found it all that difficult.  

The majority certainly did not.  But the (relatively easy to explain)
minority who did choose to alter it obviously found it "difficult". It 
would be much harder to explain why a perfectly acceptable original 
reading of "boast" would be altered by nearly all scribes due to a 
perceived glorification of martyrdom.

> True, it's not 
> "good" Greek, but so many mss, particularly later ones, exhibit similar 
> shifts in spelling, that the fact that it appears in the majority of mss 
> does not seem very remarkable.

The bigger problem is that it not only is "not good Greek" but it blatantly
appears erroneous by suggesting a non-existent future subjunctive!  I fail
to see how scribes in the main would simply allow such an anomalous
reading to stand, and why the vast majority -- even if they did create the
reading "burnt" -- would not have at least followed suit with C D F G L et
al. and at least read something which was eminently grammatical.  This is 
a far greater matter than the mere issue of martyrdom. 

> > More problematic than either of these matters is the supposition that a
> > single scribe creating a more difficult reading by an error or hearing
> > would somehow produce a MS copy which then would become the mother of
> > virtually all subsequent MSS.  This hypothesis assumes that no
> > contemporary or later scribe would ever notice the difference, let alone
> > simply correct such an error by cross-comparison with another pre-existing
> > exemplar.  
> 
> But in fact, this is exactly what happens in numerous instances in the ms 
> tradition: a change in one ms, which happens to be one that is copied 
> frequently, is perpetuated throughout the tradition, while the original 
> reading in other, less copied, mss is reduced to a minority.  

Only from the eclectic perspective *:-) *:-)  The Byzantine-priority view 
would maintain that a reading which became altered would, in the normal 
course of events be corrected within one or two copying generations, and 
only in the case of "local text" traditions would such readings be 
perpetuated over several centuries -- and even then never gaining the 
ascendancy.   

The question of the frequency of copying MSS is moot.  Some MSS might
never be copied, others extremely frequently.  In the absence of proof
regarding which MSS were or were not copied at frequent rates,
statistically the evidence points to the fact that the Byzantine MSS and
they alone were those most frequently copied outside of local text
situations.  WHY they were frequently copied is another matter altogether,
but I would venture that they were most frequently copied because they
reflected the text in general (not localized) use. 

> Ms traditions 
> subjected to frequent copying leave themselves open to more scribal 
> changes, intentional or unintentional, than less frequently copied 
> traditions.

Certainly.  By number there are probably 10 times more variant readings in
the aggregate among the numerous Byzantine MSS than among the Alexandrian,
Caesarean or Western MSS.  But this is only to be expected, since the 
Byzantine MSS outnumber the others by 100:1 or greater.

However, proportionally -- on a per-MS basis -- the Byzantine MSS are FAR
less liable to variation than those of the minority texttypes (this was a
primary conclusion of my dissertation on "Scribal Habits among MSS of the
Apocalypse", Southwestern Seminary, Ft.Worth, 1982). 

> > A major problem with modern eclecticism (whether reasoned or rigorous) is
> > its failure to ignore the problems of the historical transmission of the
> > text throughout history; this is one such case where attention to the
> > historical possibilities of manuscript transmission weighs heavily in
> > determining a conclusion. 
> 
> I assume Maurice means that eclectics fail to "take into account" the 
> problems of the history of the text :-).  I agree, this is a serious 
> problem, and one that must be addressed if better critical editions are 
> to be created.

This has been a recurring lament of H.H.Oliver and Kenneth W. Clark as 
well as Eldon J. Epp.  Clark basically suggested that all the efforts of 
eclectic methodology -- based as they are without a history of textual 
transmission -- are doomed to failure, and that some new approach and new 
angle must be essayed if any "progress" is to be made in the quest of the 
original text.  As one who learned his textual criticism first under 
Clark, I must say that I appreciated his openness and encouragement to 
proceed in the direction I have taken.

> > That an error producing a "more difficult" reading could so easily corrupt
> > the mass of the MS tradition bodes ill for the certain recovery of the
> > original text by any currently-recognized and responsible principles of NT
> > textual criticism.  
> 
> Perhaps so, but it seems nevertheless to be the case, both here and in 
> numerous other instances.  Westcott and Hort identified more than 70 
> passages in which they believed "primitive corruption" occurred and 
> obliterated the original reading from the ms tradition.  

Unfortunately, what W-H advocated in such situations was basically
conjectural emendation, which their own principles would not permit. 
Modern eclecticism, whether reasoned or rigorous, similarly eschews
conjecture (save for Aland's notorious Acts 16:12 case in the GNT3, now --
at long last! -- finally "proven" by a few unnamed mss of the Vulgate). 
Appeal to "primitive error" -- so far as I know -- has not been in vogue 
since W-H; and such appeal establishes nothing in regard to the present case.

I would be desirous in learning of the "numerous other instances" in 
which a patently "more difficult" reading which is NOT considered to be 
the original autograph text has been perpetuated in the mass of the MS 
and versional traditions.  The examples should be instructive.

> What NT text 
> critics should learn from this situation is that they are not nearly as 
> close to the "original text" as some would claim.

As regards modern eclecticism, I would heartily agree *:-) This also is
Eldon J. Epp's position, as is well known:  "We know too much to believe
the old; we do not know enough to create the new."  The Byzantine-priority
advocates are not suffering under the same stigma, however. 
 
> In light of the previous discussion, I would answer as follows.  (1) The 
> scribes in the Byzantine tradition (for the most part) probably did _not_ 
> know that the reading KAUQHSWMAI was grammatically questionable; 

? - I am nonplussed.  A future subjunctive, where no case of such appears
to exist elsewhere?  And this among Greek-speaking scribes for the most
part? I am willing to excuse those primarily Latin-speaking scribes who
knew not what they did, whether preparing bilingual MSS or even Greek MSS. 
But in those cases, the Greek suffers far worse grammatical damage by the
pen than is found in the typical Byzantine MS.  The fact that some scribes
definitely altered the problematic reading into the more appropriate
-SOMAI gives indication that the grammatical problem surrounding this
reading must have been noted (unless one would argue that the -W-/-O-
interchange is purely phonetic, which I doubt in the present case).  As 
Cassiodorus might have said, "our scribes may be ignorant, but 
grammatically they ain't dumb." *:-)

>2) the 
> glorification of martyrdom belies the claim that the majority reading was 
> contextually problematic; 

And I differ as explained in detail above.....

> (3) the scribes did not know that alternate 
> readings existed, and if they had know, they would have naturally assumed 
> that their own tradition was correct.

But cross-corrections in MSS shows clearly that scribes DID know 
alternate readings existed.  They DID have other exemplars with which to 
compare, and if this reading in fact stemmed from an out-and-out error, 
why would it not have been swiftly corrected within a copying generation 
or two and basically withdrawn from circulation?  

Certainly scribes would assume that their own tradition was correct -- 
but their "tradition" stemmed from the MSS they were copying and the 
liturgical use of those texts in the church.  And these all conspired to 
maintain only the text which was "traditional" for the Byzantine 
transmission-history.  Had an original "boasting" variant been part of 
the normal liturgy, there would be no question which direction the 
majority of MSS would have been likely to take.  Had the various 
exemplars at hand at any stage of transmission been numerically in favor 
of "boast", there is little likelihood that a "later" upstart reading 
which was not only "more difficult" but also "grammatically untenable" 
would ever have gained the ascendancy.  

So, to me the issue remains fairly simple, but not simplistic.....

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From: Maurice Robinson <mrobinsn@mercury.interpath.com>
To: tc-list@scholar.cc.emory.edu
Cc: tc-list@scholar.cc.emory.edu, John Wevers <jwevers@epas.utoronto.ca>
Subject: Re: Future subjunctive
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On Wed, 31 Jan 1996, John Wevers wrote:

> 	Possibly a Septuagint scholar might join the discussion.
> The last thirty years of my scholarly career has been devoted
> largely to dealing with mss readings. Copyists simply did not
> distinguish between the homonymic -omai and wmai. In other
> words aorist subjunctives could be spelled with -o- or with -w-
> almost indiscriminately. I would strongly suggest that one 
> abandon the notion of a future subjunctive. Grammatically
> that makes no sense, and the reading that has been
> identified as a future subjunctive is nothing of the kind,
> but is simply a misspelled indicative. As far as I know future
> subjunctives are not attested as anything but the result of
> homonymic spelling. JWW

While agreeing that the identification of the -SWMAI form should not be 
taken as a unique (and unprecedented) future subjunctive, and also that 
there was often among MSS a homonymic interchange between W and O, on 
text-critical grounds I would still maintain that a grammatically 
problematic or "erroneous" reading would not be long perpetuated in any 
given texttype tradition were it not stemming from the autograph.

On the -W- or -O- matter, we have a similar texttype-specific variant at 
Rom.5:1 (ECWMEN/ECOMEN), but the delineation lines occur primarily due to 
texttype, and not merely due to homonymic confusion.  I would suggest 
that in any case, the scribes for the most part knew full well what they 
were doing in allowing the -SWMAI to remain in the text, even if they 
could not all comprehend it grammatically.

The real issue on 1Cor13:3, however, is not the -SWMAI/-SOMAI interchange 
(where no one seems to be claiming the "more correct" -SOMAI is to be 
considered original), but with the greater issue of "burning" vs. 
"boasting" (the -Q- vs the -X-).

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Subject: Re: Future subjunctive
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Maurice Robinson wrote;
>The continued use and perpetuation of the Byzantine text remained centered
>in Greece and Asia Minor throughout the entire period of Greek MS
>transmission.  Those favoring a Byzantine-priority hypothesis (which is
>not precisely the same as a majority text position) clearly would
>recognize the precise facts of history along with their impact, exactly as
>they occurred.

But this was a standardized regulated text and not a free flowing text
where later scribes were free to correct and edit according to known mss
but followed an ecclesiastical text.  In the later part of the period it
was virtually limited to the old Kingdom of Nicaea in a very limited area.

>Byzantine Greek MSS were brought into the West after the sack of
>Constantinople during the Fourth Crusade.  However, the Western Churches
>and monastaries had little use for the MSS written in a Greek they could
>not read.  That the Textus Receptus happened to be created initially by
>Erasmus from the (primarily) Byzantine MSS he was able to obtain in
>Western monasteries in and around Basel does not imply that the Byzantine
>Textform in any way ever influenced the Latin Church tradition in Western
>Europe.  Even the Complutensian Polyglot continually had to place &&&&&&
>in its Latin text where the basically Byzantine Greek text of that edition
>had a longer reading.  But there was no cross-influence from the Byzantine
>Textform which affected Western Europe until long AFTER the Reformation
>took hold.

The editions of Erasmus plus those of Beza and Stephanus did bring the
Greek closer to the Vulgate, note the Comma Iohannum.  MacGregor and
Bratton have also talked of influences earlier than that.  In the period
right before the reformation, there is some evidence that the Latin
affected some Byzantine mss, eg. the 12th century mss where I John 5:7-8 is
translated out of Latin into the margin in Greek with no articles.  There
is strong evidence of influence from Latin to Greek if not from Greek to
Latin.

Carlton L. Winbery
Prof. Religion
LA College, Pineville, La
winberyc@popalex1.linknet.net



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From: Maurice Robinson <mrobinsn@mercury.interpath.com>
To: tc-list@scholar.cc.emory.edu
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On Wed, 31 Jan 1996, William L. Petersen wrote:

> A few comments on synoptic harmonization:

[snip]

> 2) One source of these harmonizations is, of course, early gospel harmonies:

And the influence of these definitely should not be overlooked by NT 
textual critics.  Whereas Von Soden overemphasized the influence of 
Tatian, modern scholars tend to minimize such when they really should not.

> 3) There has always been a tendency of scribes to harmonize subconsciously:
> the memory slips, or the "better known" version of a phrase guides the pen.
> In earlier periods (or in certain circles) there may have been a suspicion
> on the part of copyists that a word, phrase, or verse might have been
> omitted by some earlier "corrupter" 

Also quite correct.

> With this in mind, one
> understands how an early scribe might presume that a reading "must" have
> been there originally, since it was in the parallel in another gospel;  such
> a scribe would have no qualms in "restoring" it.

The problem here is that the majority of scribes rarely harmonized on any 
regular or consistent basis.  Proven harmonizations (evidenced by studying 
singular readings of a MS) in most MSS are quite the rarity, and the 
reasons for such when they do occur are likely familiarity with a certain 
parallel passage which occurs to the mind (and hand) when copying.

> 4) The motives for harmonizations are complex:  

And probably undiscernable in most cases.

> see my chapter "What Text
> Can NT Textual Criticism Ultimately Reach?" in B. Aland and J. Delobel, *NT
> Textual Criticism, Exegesis and Church History,* pp. 136-152).  

The answer in any case will likely be the text determined by our 
presuppositions. *:-)

> harmonization was not a "one way," "one time" event (e.g., Mark influenced
> Matthew, OR Matthew influenced Mark...);  rather, the process was on-going,
> repetitive, and "recursive":  

I would not minimize the later lectionary use of all four gospels as
having a significant effect on harmonization moving in directions other
than toward Matthew, even though as the most popular gospel, most
harmonizations still would tend to head in that direction.  I do not,
however, believe that deliberate scribal harmonization -- whenever it
occurred, or in which direction -- would ever on its own end up dominating
the entire textual tradition; other scribes and the cross-comparison and 
correction of MSS by other exemplars would effectively prevent dominance 
by a usurping reading.  

> 6) The consideration and careful study of Patristic and versional evidence
> is *absolutely essential* if one wishes to address the problems of
> cross-gospel harmonization, for their evidence can often antedate ANY of the
> Greek gospel MS evidence.  

I would consider Patristic evidence of significance, but I also know full 
well that one cannot trust the Fathers, who themselves were often greater 
harmonizers than the MSS they consulted (or their own faulty memory which 
blended all four gospels into a mentally inseparable whole as much as 
Tatian did in written form).  I would not ignore the Fathers, but I 
equally would not trust them to correct the MS evidence.

> 7) For later Greek gospel MSS (say, X-XIV cents.), one must also reckon with
> the "renaissance" of harmonization which took place during that period, and
> which is textually documented in the many vernacular gospel harmonies in
> esp. Western Europe, but also in the East (Arabic, Persian, etc.).  

This process did not seriously affect the Greek NT MSS themselves 
however, save in the minor modifications which can be seen primarily in 
von Soden's Kr group of around 200 MSS of the 12th-14th centuries.  That 
group stands outside the basic Kx mainstream, however, and its effect did 
not spill over into most MSS copied even during the centuries in question.

> to today, in translations:  compare the RSV with the NRSV at Matt. 27.54
> with Mark 15.39;  now compare the Greek.

Shame on them if such be the case.  *:-) 
I unfortunately do not have my NRSV 
at hand, but will check it at the office tomorrow.


=========================================================================
                       Maurice A. Robinson, Ph.D.
            Associate Professor of Greek and New Testament
              Southeastern Baptist Theological Seminary
                      Wake Forest, North Carolina
                   <mrobinsn@mercury.interpath.com>
=========================================================================
  


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On Wed, 31 Jan 1996, Carlton Winbery wrote:

> Maurice Robinson wrote;

> >The continued use and perpetuation of the Byzantine text remained centered
> >in Greece and Asia Minor throughout the entire period of Greek MS
> >transmission.  

> But this was a standardized regulated text and not a free flowing text
> where later scribes were free to correct and edit according to known mss
> but followed an ecclesiastical text.  

The problem in such a supposition (basically Aland's "Byzantine Imperial 
Text" or Westcott-Hort's "Syrian Recension" hypothesis) is that there is 
absolutely NO record of any enforced or voluntary effort to "standardize" 
the Byzantine Textform; and indeed, the multifarious variations and 
sub-groups within the K-text (e.g. K1, Kr, Kc,b Ka Kpi, etc.) point in a 
direction favoring little or no control or standardization.  Basically, 
the Byzantine Text merely "continued" in the various lines of 
transmission through which it was perpetuated, with no serious effort 
toward standardization.

The Byzantine-era scribes certainly were more precise in their copying 
than had been the more primitive scribes and monks during the period of 
the "uncontrolled popular text" in the era before AD 200 and even before 
the legitimization of Christianity under Constantine.  The one benefit 
the Empire provided after Constantine was an unhurried freedom to simply 
perpetuate and multiply the manuscript copies.

> In the later part of the period it
> was virtually limited to the old Kingdom of Nicaea in a very limited area.

In the later part of which period?  The 12th-15th centuries, or something 
earlier.  Basically, so long as Greek was spoken and understood as a 
liturgical language within Greek monasteries (whether in Italy, Greece, 
Asia Minor, or Palestine), the basic Byzantine Textform would continue to 
be perpetuated by the scribes in a manner which remained fairly 
even-handed for over a thousand years.

> The editions of Erasmus plus those of Beza and Stephanus did bring the
> Greek closer to the Vulgate, note the Comma Iohannum.  

Oh, absolutely.  Erasmus especially added in a number of readings which 
lacked Greek MS support from the Vulgate.  But this has no bearing on 
your initial claim, which was arguing that the influence of the Byzantine 
text went the other direction, and affected Western Biblical 
Christianity.  But, as you note, on the contrary, it was Latin Biblical 
Christianity which affected (corrupted) the Byzantine Greek itself in the 
TR editions.

> MacGregor and
> Bratton have also talked of influences earlier than that.  In the period
> right before the reformation, there is some evidence that the Latin
> affected some Byzantine mss, eg. the 12th century mss where I John 5:7-8 is
> translated out of Latin into the margin in Greek with no articles.  There
> is strong evidence of influence from Latin to Greek if not from Greek to
> Latin.

Again, exactly to my point on this matter.  Evidence that the Greek MSS 
or text affected Latin MSS in the West after the emergence of the printed 
Greek text so far as I know is utterly lacking.  The most evidence I 
think can be alleged is some cross-pollination among bilingual 
Greco-Latin codices, such as Bezae.


