From majordom  Wed May  1 01:28:53 1996
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Subject: Re: Sampling and Vulgate
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Date: Wed, 1 May 1996 01:25:53 -0400 (EDT)
From: "Stephen C Carlson" <scarlso1@osf1.gmu.edu>
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Maurice Robinson wrote:
>The UBS apparatus is not exactly biassed toward texttype 
>interrelationships. The data taken from that apparatus still point to a 
>high degree of "mixture" in all non-Byzantine witnesses, and a mixture 
>which does not occur in any predictable pattern.

In a brief comparison between my UBS4 (2d printing, which don't find
difficult to read) and Hodges & Farstad, it is clear to me that
numerous Byzantine-specific readings are not cited in UBS4.  So I
would say the UBS apparatus is biased against those readings in which
the Byzantine texttype is the only support.

If the goal is to determine how Byzantine the Vulgate is, the UBS
apparatus almost systematically excludes the evidence most desired.

Stephen Carlson
-- 
Stephen C. Carlson, George Mason University School of Law, Patent Track, 4LE
scarlso1@osf1.gmu.edu              : Poetry speaks of aspirations, and songs
http://osf1.gmu.edu/~scarlso1/     : chant the words.  -- Shujing 2.35

From majordom  Wed May  1 07:30:30 1996
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From: Maurice Robinson <mrobinsn@mercury.interpath.com>
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Subject: Re: Sampling and Vulgate
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On Wed, 1 May 1996, Stephen C Carlson wrote:

> Maurice Robinson wrote:

> >The UBS apparatus is not exactly biassed toward texttype 
> >interrelationships. The data taken from that apparatus still point to a 
> >high degree of "mixture" in all non-Byzantine witnesses, and a mixture 
> >which does not occur in any predictable pattern.
 
> In a brief comparison between my UBS4 (2d printing, which don't find
> difficult to read) and Hodges & Farstad, it is clear to me that
> numerous Byzantine-specific readings are not cited in UBS4.  So I
> would say the UBS apparatus is biased against those readings in which
> the Byzantine texttype is the only support.
> 
> If the goal is to determine how Byzantine the Vulgate is, the UBS
> apparatus almost systematically excludes the evidence most desired.

The statistical issue raised in regard to the UBS apparatus is primarily in 
regard to establishing basic MS interrelationships by way of 
near-neighbor clusters.  For that purpose, the elimination of the 
strictly Byzantine readings would not change the normal totals which 
might be arrived at by analysis of the remaining readings.  

In the case of the Vulgate, I think that any comparison of the 
performance of the Vulgate versus "M" in N26 in those places which the 
UBS apparatus did not touch will show that the Vulgate hardly gets more 
"Byzantine" in places where the Byzantine reading is the strongest.  
Rather, the Vulgate partakes of a certain degree (ca.40%) of Byzantine 
"tendency" more in places where the Byzantine reading itself is divided 
and portions shared among MSS of other texttypes.  My suspicion is that, 
were the more purely Byzantine readings added in from N27, the Vulgate 
would end up appearing even LESS aligned with the Byzantine Textform than 
the UBS data tend to imply. 

_________________________________________________________________________
Maurice A. Robinson, Ph.D.           Assoc. Prof./Greek and New Testament
Southeastern Baptist Theological Seminary     Wake Forest, North Carolina
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~


From majordom  Wed May  1 08:10:53 1996
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From: waltzmn@skypoint.com (Robert B. Waltz)
Subject: Mathematical methods (Was: Re: Sampling and Vulgate)
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On Tue, 30 Apr 96, broman@Np.nosc.mil (Vincent Broman)

>
>If your sampling method is biased, increasing the sample size won't help,
>the larger sample will still be biased, it just has a smaller variance.

I must disagree with both halves of this statement. First, increasing
the sample size DOES help, at least somewhat (to argue by analogy --
if you take a public opinion poll, and ask 90% of the people, you
don't have to use an unbiased sample; you will still be close. Not
that I am claiming to sample anything like 90% of the variants).

Also, we should not mistake the meaning of variance. This is REALLY
important, folks. I am a mathematician; I KNOW.

Everything you ever hear about variance, standard deviation, and
other measures of "precision" is based on the so-called "Normal
Distribution" or "Bell Curve."

But not everything follows normal distributions. I could cite
quite a few examples if I went to my math library (stellar
radiation patterns spring quickly to mind).

There is no reason to believe that textual relationships follow
a normal distribution. It may be so, but the fact needs to be
proved. (And until it is, you cannot draw ANY conclusions from
variance.) There is, in fact, reason to believe that the distribution
is NOT normal, but instead has a bunch of spikes. We call the spikes
"Text-types."

In any case, let's remember what variance and standard deviation
are meant to measure. They measure the SPREAD of a curve around the
mean. Thus, once the shape of a curve is established, increasing
the sample size does NOT significantly reduce the variance.

In any case, we are not measuring a distribution here. In any
given reading, two manuscripts can do only two things. They can
agree, or they can disagree. They cannot have "63% agreement," or
some such. There is NO curve for the variance to measure. Just
two spikes, with "truth values" 0 and 1.

Please, folks, let's get our mathematics right.

>The RELATIVE statistics are =exactly= what gets botched up
>by bias in your sampling.  What you need is a sampling method
>that you can convince your readers is totally independent of
>what you're trying to measure.

"Totally" independent? No such thing.

I'm not saying my sample is perfect. I would prefer one that
is at once larger and less biased. But I have yet to see something
better offered. Certainly the statistical basis used by the Alands
is worse; the sample is smaller AND conforms to their peculiar
baises.

>And you would have a hard time convincing me that the selection
>of variants in the UBS3 apparatus is =independent= of the attestation
>by texttypes.

That last statement, at least, I agree with. That's the exact reason
why I increased the sample.

Bob Waltz
waltzmn@skypoint.com



From majordom  Wed May  1 12:27:57 1996
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Subject: Re: Mathematical methods (Was: Re: Sampling and Vulgate)
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Robert B. Waltz wrote:
>On Tue, 30 Apr 96, broman@Np.nosc.mil (Vincent Broman)
>>If your sampling method is biased, increasing the sample size won't help,
>>the larger sample will still be biased, it just has a smaller variance.
>I must disagree with both halves of this statement. First, increasing
>the sample size DOES help, at least somewhat (to argue by analogy --
>if you take a public opinion poll, and ask 90% of the people, you
>don't have to use an unbiased sample; you will still be close. Not
>that I am claiming to sample anything like 90% of the variants).

I think, thought, that the critical phrase in the above, though, is "If
your sampling method is biased".  In the analogy of the public opinon poll
an obvious case would be if, for some reason you were only to poll
Republicans or, say, people in your immediate telephoning area (reportedly
the fallacy that was responsible for the poll that led to that wonderful
photograph of Truman holding the newspaper above his head).

The point being that either of these cases simply increasing the sample
size, under the _existing_ polling conditions, would do nothing to increase
the accuracy of the poll (excluding the trivial case of "increasing the
poll until you had polled every Republican in the country and were forced
to start including others".)

>Also, we should not mistake the meaning of variance. This is REALLY
>important, folks. I am a mathematician; I KNOW.

Yes, there are many of us here who have such training.

(In point of fact, this in itself serves as a good example of point above.
I.e. the population in question here is --because of the nature of the
medium-- _strongly_ biased towards computer and other professionals who
have had (typically much) more technical training than a comparably-sized
sample of the "population at large".   ;-)

>[...]
>>And you would have a hard time convincing me that the selection
>>of variants in the UBS3 apparatus is =independent= of the attestation
>>by texttypes.
>
>That last statement, at least, I agree with. That's the exact reason
>why I increased the sample.

But again, haven't we come full circle to the issue of manuscripts needing
to be "weighed not counted"?

The critical issue, of course, is the neccessity of demonstating the
_independence_ of the elements of the sample, otherwise it is useless to
simply increasing the total number of manuscripts.  As a trivial example,
if manuscript Y is shown to be a direct copy of manuscript X including both
has does nothing meaningful increase the sample size in the same way that,
say, were some verion shown to be tracable to a single exemplar the dozen
or perhaps hundreds of manuscripts of that version carries no more weight
than that of a single manuscript.

Nichael
nichael@sover.net                                               __
http://www.sover.net/~nichael              Be as passersby   -- IC



From majordom  Wed May  1 12:29:16 1996
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Date: Wed, 01 May 1996 10:34 -0500 (EST)
From: Paul_O'Rear@SIL.ORG
Subject: Swanson specifics
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     Just for other readers' general information, Swanson lists the 
     following manuscripts as being cited in the introduction of all four 
     volumes:
     
     Papyri:
     p1,p2,p5,p6,p19,p22,p25,p35,p36,p37,p39,p46,p52,p53,p59,p60,p62,p63,p6
     6,p75,p76,p82
     
     Uncials:
     Aleph,A,B,C,D,E,F,G,H,K,L,M,N,P,Q,S,T,U,W,Y,Gamma,Delta,Theta,Lambda,P
     i,Psi,Omega,071
     
     or otherwise
     01,02,03,04,05,07,09,012,013,017,019,021,022,024,026,028,029,030,032,0
     34,036,037,038(in Swanson there is type of Theta = 037 as well as 
     Delta),039,041,044,045,0171
     
     Minuscules:
     1(f1),2,13(f13),28,33,69(f13),118(f1),124(f13),157,565,579,700,788,107
     1,1346(f13),1424,1582(f1)
     
     Church Fathers:
     Clement of Alexandria (Cl)    ca.200
     
     
     GNT editions:
     u = UBS 4th ed./Nestle-Aland 27th ed.
     
     w = Westcott/Hort, The New Testament in the Original Greek, 1935
     
     tau = H KAINH DIAQHKH, Reproduced by photographic offset at the 
     University of Chicago Press from H KAINH DIAQHKH (Oxford, 1873).
     
     =======================
     
     Quite an impressive list and work. The inclusion of the GNT editions 
     is also quite a nice bonus.
     
     Hope this helps! Attribute any errors here to scribal oversight!
     

     Paul O'Rear
     
     %%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%
     %% Paul A. O'Rear                     %  Paul.O'Rear@sil.org        %%
     %% International Translation Dept.    %  100341.2131@compuserve.com %%
     %% Summer Institute of Linguistics    %  paul_orear@msn.com         %%
     %% 7500 W. Camp Wisdom Rd.            %  CIS: 100341,2131           %%
     %% Dallas, TX 75236                   %                             %%
     %%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%



From majordom  Wed May  1 12:52:58 1996
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At 10:34 AM 5/1/96, Paul_O'Rear@SIL.ORG wrote:
>     Just for other readers' general information, Swanson lists the
>     following manuscripts as being cited in the introduction of all four
>     volumes:
> [...]

Paul

Thanks for clearing this up.

I was the one who originally raised this question.  As a specific example,
the sample page included in the flier that was sent around seems to imply
that only one of the papyri was included.  It's good to know that this
representative of the books as a whole.

(And thanks to everyone who responded to my query about Swanson.  I ordered
my copies yesterday.   ;-)


Nichael
nichael@sover.net                                               __
http://www.sover.net/~nichael              Be as passersby   -- IC



From majordom  Wed May  1 12:56:38 1996
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From: broman@Np.nosc.mil (Vincent Broman)
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-----BEGIN PGP SIGNED MESSAGE-----

waltzmn@skypoint.com replied:
>                                            ...First, increasing
> the sample size DOES help, at least somewhat (to argue by analogy --
> if you take a public opinion poll, and ask 90% of the people, you
> don't have to use an unbiased sample; you will still be close. Not
> that I am claiming to sample anything like 90% of the variants).

Elementary counterexample:
Try to estimate the number of homeless by taking a telephone poll,
contacting 95% of the phone subscribers in your town.  Your sample
is huge, but it excludes nearly all the homeless, making the bias
catastrophic.

> Also, we should not mistake the meaning of variance. This is REALLY
> important, folks. I am a mathematician; I KNOW.

Perhaps.

> Everything you ever hear about variance, standard deviation, and
> other measures of "precision" is based on the so-called "Normal
> Distribution" or "Bell Curve."

A variance is defined for any random variable X with known distribution
and finite mean (not just Normal distributions) as

$  Var(X) = E( |X - E(X)|^2 )  $

if this quantity is finite.  I think there is some confusion here
between the $ \sigma^2 $ parameter of Normal distributions
and the Variance defined for general distributions.

> In any case, let's remember what variance and standard deviation
> are meant to measure. They measure the SPREAD of a curve around the
> mean. Thus, once the shape of a curve is established, increasing
> the sample size does NOT significantly reduce the variance.

The whole point of the Weak Law of Large Numbers and of the Central
Limit Theorem (for general distributions) is to show that under
certain conditions certain variances decrease to zero at a certain speed
as you take more and more samples.  Now these conditions require
repeated independent samples from a random variable, and the
New Testament textual tradition is not a random variable,
but we treat it as such as long as we don't observe all the data
out there but only subsets of the data.

If larger samples don't decrease the uncertainty or variance,
why would we ever take more than one sample?

> In any case, we are not measuring a distribution here. In any
> given reading, two manuscripts can do only two things. They can
> agree, or they can disagree. They cannot have "63% agreement," or
> some such. There is NO curve for the variance to measure. Just
> two spikes, with "truth values" 0 and 1.
> 
> Please, folks, let's get our mathematics right.

Yes, please.

Whenever historic data is discussed in terms of probabilities,
we are not saying the past events themselves are still random,
we are describing our uncertainties about the future event
of our encountering the rest of the data.  For example, we examine
the MS in the even-numbered chapters and then predict the
trends we expect to see in the odd-numbered chapters, not yet examined.

When we talk about two MSS agreeing in, say, 58% of the units of variation
listed in Tischendorf, then we mean one of two things, generally.
   1. We have collated all of both MSS and counted the 58% agreement.
or 2. We have compared samples from the MSS and _estimate_ that 58%
      of the sampled and unsampled units of variation would be agreements.
Case 2 involves a model (perhaps unconscious) of the text being a
sequence of Bernoulli trials, each having a probability, p, of showing
an agreement and a probability 1-p of disagreement.  Under certain
conditions, the "best" estimator of this parameter, p, is the ratio
of the number of sample agreements to the number of samples.

> "Totally" independent? No such thing.

Pardon the absolutistic language.
"Independent enough for the present purpose" was meant.
The one who judges the "enough" being the reader, of course.


Vincent Broman,  code 783 Bayside                        Email: broman@nosc.mil
Naval Command Control and Ocean Surveillance Center
Research Development Test and Evaluation Division
San Diego, CA  92152-6147,  USA                          Phone: +1 619 553 1641
=== PGP protected mail preferred.  For public key finger broman@np.nosc.mil ===

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From majordom  Wed May  1 13:43:58 1996
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From: broman@Np.nosc.mil (Vincent Broman)
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mrobinsn@mercury.interpath.com said:
>                                         ...My suspicion is that, 
> were the more purely Byzantine readings added in from N27, the Vulgate 
> would end up appearing even LESS aligned with the Byzantine Textform than 
> the UBS data tend to imply.

Yup.
Even the NA apparatus is highly biased (selective) in this regard.
In a study I did of 179 variants dividing the Byzantine and Alexandrian
traditions, 30% of them (53) went unmentioned in the NA26 apparatus,
and of course many fewer in the UBS apparatus.

Vincent Broman

From majordom  Wed May  1 14:34:02 1996
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From: waltzmn@skypoint.com (Robert B. Waltz)
Subject: Mathematical Methods... A Modest Proposal :-)
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Since I don't want this to descend into an all-mathematically-inclined-people
war, may I offer a proposal:

Can we, perhaps, come up with an agreement on what, exactly, we think is
needed to accurately compare manuscripts? If we can state what we would
ideally need, maybe we can decide how close to this we can come.

The criteria I would look for (and note that I did _not_ claim to
achieve them all, merely to have come closer than previous attempts)
would include the following:

1. Large sample sizes (at least a thousand readings in the gospels,
   300 in Acts, 750 in Paul, 200 in the Catholics, 250 in the Apocalypse).
   This not only increases the polling accuracy of our sample, it allows
   us to examine individual books and parts of books IF we need to.
   It also gives us a better shot at classifying fragments.

2. Unbiased but intelligent selection of readings. By "intelligent"
   I mean that we don't use too many variants of the type "add/omit
   article," or the like, which cannot be rendered in the versions,
   nor too many variants where scribes could easily have made a
   change my accident (e.g. between future indicative and aorist
   subjunctive). By "unbiased" I mean that we not take many variants
   of the "D-and-a-few-Old-Latin-against-the-world" type.

3. A mathematical methodology that counts more than simple agreements.
   For example, I have worked with overall agreements (which seek
   for sister manuscripts), agreements where both manuscripts are
   non-Byzantine (for seeking related mixed manuscripts), agreements
   where the Byzantine text is divided (for classifying Byzantine
   groups), and "near-singular readings" -- readings which are
   sufficiently unusual that they probably represent derivation from
   a common ancestor.

4. A complete independence from previous results. We must not start with
   preconceptions, and we must not assume it in our results. One of the
   worst mistakes I ever made was in assuming that the lists of
   "Alexandrian" manuscripts in Metzger and Greenlee were correct. I
   trusted them, and created a definition of the "Alexandrian" text in
   my database. And needed most of a year to recover from the mistake.

I retain the right to add to this list. This is just what sprang to mind
instantly.

I'd also like to know what people are looking for in such results. Colwell
gave offered a proposal -- the famous (or infamous) 70/10 rule --
and eventually fathered the Claremont method. Claremont works for sisters,
but can't handle mixed manuscripts -- and also was biased by previous
assumptions. The 70/10 rule works only if one studies un-mixed manuscripts.
We need something better.

We probably cannot, at this stage, achieve ALL our goals. But until we
state them, we cannot decide how close we can come.

Bob Waltz
waltzmn@skypoint.com



From majordom  Wed May  1 14:52:10 1996
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From: schmiul@uni-muenster.de(Ulrich Schmid)
Subject: Textual Theory
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On Sun, 28 Apr 1996, Robert B. Waltz wrote:

>Please note that this theory is ONLY for Paul; my work on other
> areas is incomplete.

I appreciate this statement very much, since, looking on so much statements in 
the discipline of tc, one is often confronted with results, though initially 
stemming only from one part of the NT (for example from the Gospels, or even 
just from Luke), but boldly extrapolated to the whole of NT textual 
transmission.

>The first step is to identify text-types. This is a complex
>matter which cannot be covered briefly; suffice it to say that
>it is based on a statistical technique based on 550 readings
>(for statistical purposes I would like to have more readings,
>but I just haven't been able to come up with them) and about 50
>manuscripts...

>Based on this, we find a large number of manuscript groupings,
>some of which (e.g. 330-451-2492) seem not to have been noticed
>before, and others (e.g. Soden's family 1319, which ought to
>be called family 2127) which have been inadequately classified.

The _Text und Textwert_ volumes from 1991 for the Pauline Epistles give the 
collation results of 798 MSS at 231 variation units. Do the results drawn 
therefrom with respect to MSS grouping differ significantly from the results 
drawn from the 50 MSS at 550 variation units (supposing that "550 readings" 
means 550 variation units)? The examples mentioned above could be easily found 
out, when consulting _Text und Textwert_. 

>There are, in Paul, FOUR manuscript families which give good
>evidence of being independent of, and in my view predating,
>the Byzantine text.

a.)The independence of the Byz. text of these four manuscript families is one 
thing. But, on what reasons do they _predate_ the Byz. text?
b.) What about the above mentioned MSS group (330-451-2492), and what about 
other MSS groups (for example 1505-2495-1611)? Are they not independent enough 
from the Byz. text? What makes the independent status of manuscript families? 

>Since we now have FOUR groups, rather than the two that come up
>so often in textual studies, we are usually able to proceed on
>a Majority basis. If a reading is found in all four groups, it
>is certain. If a reading is found in three, I will accept it
>unless there is VERY strong internal evidence. (Usually the only
>evidence I accept in this case is assimilation of parallels.)
>If the groups split evenly, then some other criterion must be
>resorted to. This is where internal evidence usually applies.

What about cases in which _the_ group readings may be uncertain, for the 
intra-group testimony is split? I assume internal evidence is applied here, too.

>However, I take a very limited view of internal canons of
>criticism. I maintain that there is ONLY ONE canon for internal
>evidence: "That reading is best which best explains the others."
>All other canons ("Prefer the harder reading," "prefer the shorter
>reading," etc.) are simply corollaries of this rule, and should
>be applied in this light. (This simple rule has other corollaries
>which are often forgotten, e.g., "Prefer the MIDDLE reading.")

This I appreciate very much: "That reading is best which best explains the 
others". But, why excluding the Byzantine text from this procedure? Sometimes 
the Byz. text gives readings which may help to explain other readings, and there 
is at least one instance within the Corpus Paulinum where the Byz. text gives a 
reading that best explains all readings and settles the case of the somehow 
scattered evidence of the four manuscript families mentioned above: The position 
of the doxology of Romans 16,25-27.

a.) Parts of the "Western" family omit the doxology: F (G) 629.
b.) Family 1739 is split: 1739 and 630 give the doxology after 16,23; 6, 424, 
and 1881 give the doxology after 14,23.
c) The (other) Alexandrian family is divided, too: B and Sahidic give the 
doxology after 16,23, whereas P 46 gives the doxology after 15,33.
d) The traditional Alexandrian family is split: aleph, C, Bohairic, 81, and 436 
give the doxology after 16,23; 1175 gives the doxology after 14,23; so does 1506 
but omitting chapter 16; A and 33 give the doxology after 14,23 _and_ after 
16,23. 

Arguing from internal evidence the position of the doxology after 14,23 clearly 
best explains all other readings, since it is most unlikely that it should have 
been inserted at that position, as long as it is found in other positions (i.e. 
after 15,33 or 16,23). On the other hand, the removal of the doxology away from 
14,23 seems most logical as long as chapters 15-16 follow.
Puzzling enough, no homogeneous family gives this reading that best explains the 
others (at best three members out of five, cf. family 1739). But, on the other 
hand, the Byz. text most homogeneously gives this reading.   

To conclude therefrom: In this peculiar instance, the Byzantine text as a 
distinct entity displays a state of the text which is earlier than most of the 
scattered evidence of the four manuscript families mentioned above. 

>Technically this is an eclectic method. But it is a very limited
>eclecticism; the only place where I REALLY have to be subjective
>are when
>1. The four text-types split into two groups, or
>2. The text-types split into FOUR groups, or
>3. The members of the various text-types are so divided that
>   the group reading cannot be determined. 

The above mentioned example from the Romans doxology might point to at least a 
fourth scenario concerning the subjective element (combining 2. and 3.):
4. The text-types split into FOUR groups, _and_ the members of the    various 
text-types are so divided that the group reading cannot    be determined.

To sum up: The limited eclectic method exposed looks quite impressive to my 
mind. Nevertheless, I suspect the subjective element involved is much greater 
than expected. I may also point to my above mentioned questions concerning the 
lateness of the Byzantine text and the singeling out of _only_ four manuscript 
families.

Ulrich Schmid, Muenster







From majordom  Wed May  1 16:18:08 1996
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On Wed, 01 May 96, schmiul@uni-muenster.de (Ulrich Schmid)

>On Sun, 28 Apr 1996, Robert B. Waltz wrote:
>
>>Please note that this theory is ONLY for Paul; my work on other
>> areas is incomplete.
>
>I appreciate this statement very much, since, looking on so much statements in
>the discipline of tc, one is often confronted with results, though initially
>stemming only from one part of the NT (for example from the Gospels, or even
>just from Luke), but boldly extrapolated to the whole of NT textual
>transmission.

As a matter of fact, these results DO NOT apply to other areas in the
Mew Testament. Even in the Catholics, which superficially bear the
greatest similarity to the Paulines, the results are very different.
I found three major texts there, all with subdivisions. (In this
I independently verified the results of Duplacy.)

>>The first step is to identify text-types. This is a complex
>>matter which cannot be covered briefly; suffice it to say that
>>it is based on a statistical technique based on 550 readings
>>(for statistical purposes I would like to have more readings,
>>but I just haven't been able to come up with them) and about 50
>>manuscripts...
>
>>Based on this, we find a large number of manuscript groupings,
>>some of which (e.g. 330-451-2492) seem not to have been noticed
>>before, and others (e.g. Soden's family 1319, which ought to
>>be called family 2127) which have been inadequately classified.
>
>The _Text und Textwert_ volumes from 1991 for the Pauline Epistles give the
>collation results of 798 MSS at 231 variation units. Do the results drawn
>therefrom with respect to MSS grouping differ significantly from the results
>drawn from the 50 MSS at 550 variation units (supposing that "550 readings"
>means 550 variation units)? The examples mentioned above could be easily found
>out, when consulting _Text und Textwert_.

True to some extent. The examples I cited (330-451-2492, etc.)
are sister manuscripts.

What cannot be found from _Text und Textwert_ is the mixed manuscripts.
Take, for example, 6. Its closest relative, in my sample, is L, with
69% agreement. The figures for other Byzantine manuscripts are similar.
By contrast, 6 agrees with 1739 only 64% of the time.

I don't have _Text und Textwert_ in front of me, but if those figures
are representative, then T&T would show literally HUNDREDS of manuscripts
as being closer to 6 than is 1739.

Which is all well and good, except that 6's important kinship is with
1739. Where 6 is non-Byzantine, 6 and 1739 agree 85% of the time. Where
BOTH are non-Byzantine, they agree some 95% of the time. Other than the
members of family 1739, 6's closest relative in non-Byzantine readings
is B, at 72%.

So 6 is a weak member of family 1739 -- and this is not evident from
_Text und Textwert_.

>>There are, in Paul, FOUR manuscript families which give good
>>evidence of being independent of, and in my view predating,
>>the Byzantine text.
>
>a.)The independence of the Byz. text of these four manuscript families is one
>thing. But, on what reasons do they _predate_ the Byz. text?

Whether I can prove they predate the Byzantine text, of course, depends on
what date you assign the Byzantine text.

If you accept the Byzantine text as being fourth century, then the
four groups I mentioned can be shown to be earlier. The early date
of the p46-B group follows from the fact that p46 is third century
or earlier.

Aleph-A-C-I-33 was in existence by the fourth century, and the group
had already begun to fracture by that date; therefore it must predate
the fourth century.

In the case of D-F-G, the proof comes from the Old Latin.

In the case of family 1739, the evidence is that this text is
largely similar to that of Origen.

Of course, if you accept the Byzantine text as original, I can't
prove these text-types to precede it. But they are certainly all early.

>b.) What about the above mentioned MSS group (330-451-2492), and what about
>other MSS groups (for example 1505-2495-1611)? Are they not independent enough
>from the Byz. text? What makes the independent status of manuscript families?

I cannot trace the history of 330-451-2492 before the eleventh century.
It may be post-Byzantine. Also, it is more Byzantine than not. So
this group, while a family with independent text, does not qualify as
an early text-TYPE.

In the case of 1505-1611-2495-syh (to which 1022 can be added in the
Pastorals), the family is obviously old, since it is found in the
Harklean version. Beyond that it cannot be dated. It MAY be the
vague remnants of an independent (Syriac?) text-type.

But in any case, it is more Byzantine than anything else. So it
offers little help in group analysis. One can never tell whether a
group reading is an early survival or just Byzantine mixture.

I noted that I had to resort to other methods when I had a two-versus-two
split in text-types. One of my "other methods" was consulting the other
manuscript groups.

>>Since we now have FOUR groups, rather than the two that come up
>>so often in textual studies, we are usually able to proceed on
>>a Majority basis. If a reading is found in all four groups, it
>>is certain. If a reading is found in three, I will accept it
>>unless there is VERY strong internal evidence. (Usually the only
>>evidence I accept in this case is assimilation of parallels.)
>>If the groups split evenly, then some other criterion must be
>>resorted to. This is where internal evidence usually applies.
>
>What about cases in which _the_ group readings may be uncertain, for the
>intra-group testimony is split? I assume internal evidence is applied
>here, too.

Sometimes, but not often. For example, if family 1739 is split, it
will usually be found that several members of the family are
Byzantine, while the others are non-Byzantine. Since all the members
of the family suffer Byzantine influence, and all but 1730 have suffered
heavy Byzantine influence, I take the non-Byzantine reading.

Technically, I suppose this is "internal evidence." But the process
is hardly subjective.

The only place where I really have trouble is where p46 and B split.
There I do have to guess at readings sometimes -- but this rarely
makes a difference in the ultimare result.

>>However, I take a very limited view of internal canons of
>>criticism. I maintain that there is ONLY ONE canon for internal
>>evidence: "That reading is best which best explains the others."
>>All other canons ("Prefer the harder reading," "prefer the shorter
>>reading," etc.) are simply corollaries of this rule, and should
>>be applied in this light. (This simple rule has other corollaries
>>which are often forgotten, e.g., "Prefer the MIDDLE reading.")
>
>This I appreciate very much: "That reading is best which best explains the
>others". But, why excluding the Byzantine text from this procedure?

Who said I omitted the Byzantine text from this procedure?

I will admit that I may miss something in analysing it. But in
analysing which reading best explains the others, I try to take
ALL text-types into account.

>Sometimes
>the Byz. text gives readings which may help to explain other readings, and
>there
>is at least one instance within the Corpus Paulinum where the Byz. text
>gives a
>reading that best explains all readings and settles the case of the somehow
>scattered evidence of the four manuscript families mentioned above: The
>position
>of the doxology of Romans 16,25-27.
>
>a.) Parts of the "Western" family omit the doxology: F (G) 629.
>b.) Family 1739 is split: 1739 and 630 give the doxology after 16,23; 6, 424,
>and 1881 give the doxology after 14,23.
>c) The (other) Alexandrian family is divided, too: B and Sahidic give the
>doxology after 16,23, whereas P 46 gives the doxology after 15,33.
>d) The traditional Alexandrian family is split: aleph, C, Bohairic, 81,
>and 436
>give the doxology after 16,23; 1175 gives the doxology after 14,23; so
>does 1506
>but omitting chapter 16; A and 33 give the doxology after 14,23 _and_ after
>16,23.
>
>Arguing from internal evidence the position of the doxology after 14,23
>clearly
>best explains all other readings, since it is most unlikely that it should
>have
>been inserted at that position, as long as it is found in other positions
>(i.e.
>after 15,33 or 16,23). On the other hand, the removal of the doxology away
>from
>14,23 seems most logical as long as chapters 15-16 follow.
>Puzzling enough, no homogeneous family gives this reading that best
>explains the
>others (at best three members out of five, cf. family 1739). But, on the other
>hand, the Byz. text most homogeneously gives this reading.
>
>To conclude therefrom: In this peculiar instance, the Byzantine text as a
>distinct entity displays a state of the text which is earlier than most of the
>scattered evidence of the four manuscript families mentioned above.


In assessing this evidence, let me point out that one of the purposes of
my method is to eliminate the effects of Byzantine mixture. That's one
reason why we need family groupings.

Thus in two cases the family reading is obvious:

family 1739, as represented by 1739 630, places the doxology after 16:23
   (the other manuscripts of the group have been influenced by the
   Byzantine text)

   (Which brings up a footnote: readings of 424* have NO SIGNIFICANCE.
   The absence of a correction in 424** does not mean that the
   exemplar used for correction agreed with 424*. The corrector could
   have missed a reading, or been unsure of what the correction
   meant, or could have been sure that the corrected text was wrong.
   We cannot speculate on readings we cannot see -- e.g. the readings
   of the manuscript used to correct 424 when 424 shows no correction.)

The Alexandrian text, as represented by aleph, C, bo, has the
   doxology after 16:23. The reading of A 33 is the result of mixture.
   1175, although late Alexandrian in most of Paul, is thoroughly
   Byzantine in Romans (so is 33, for that matter. And 2464. I didn't
   get into those details).

The readings of p46 are 1506 are peculiar, and deserve notice (I've been
fascinated for years by 1506's omission of Romans 16). But since they
are singular, no great case can be built upon them.

I concede the split in the "Western" text.

I can't agree with your assessment of the internal evidence. It omits at
least one point: Marcion's editorial work on the epistle. I think the
possibility must at least be considered that the variation in the placement
of the doxology is the result of Marcion's using a shorter form of Romans.
We must also consider the possibility that Marcion _wrote_ the doxology.

If it makes any difference, I concede this is a very difficult reading.
I could cite others (Col. 3:6 springs to mind). But one or two difficult
readings do not invalidate the method.

>>Technically this is an eclectic method. But it is a very limited
>>eclecticism; the only place where I REALLY have to be subjective
>>are when
>>1. The four text-types split into two groups, or
>>2. The text-types split into FOUR groups, or
>>3. The members of the various text-types are so divided that
>>   the group reading cannot be determined.
>
>The above mentioned example from the Romans doxology might point to at least a
>fourth scenario concerning the subjective element (combining 2. and 3.):
>4. The text-types split into FOUR groups, _and_ the members of the    various
>text-types are so divided that the group reading cannot    be determined.

I will agree -- theoretically. But I know of only one reading where this
_both_ conditions apply to the extent that it affects things. The reading
is in 1 Cor. 6:5 (and the NA27 apparatus does not treat it). I'm sure there
are others -- but not many.

>To sum up: The limited eclectic method exposed looks quite impressive to my
>mind. Nevertheless, I suspect the subjective element involved is much greater
>than expected.

I don't deny subjectivity. But I consider it much less subjective than
the system followed by the UBS editors. And more solidly grounded than
the method followed by Westcott and Hort.

>I may also point to my above mentioned questions concerning the
>lateness of the Byzantine text and the singeling out of _only_ four manuscript
>families.

There could well be more manuscript families. There COULD even be some
early families. I don't claim this is the last word. If I could, I would
apply my techniques to all the manuscripts and be certain. But as a non-
professional, I haven't had time. I'm doing what I can.

The one thing I would observe is that the results in _Text und Textwert_
would seem to imply that there are no more "outstanding" manuscripts
out there. (By "outstanding" I mean entirely free of Byzantine influence.)
I have little use for the Alands' system of classifying minuscules, but
it does provide an indication of Byzantine influence. Of their Category
I and II manuscripts, I have classified almost all:

p46 -- with B
aleph -- Alexandrian
A -- Alexandrian, with some slight mixture
B -- with p46
C -- Alexandrian, with some mixture
D -- "Western"
F -- "Western" (and why is F category II and not G?)
I -- Alexandrian
33 -- Alexandrian (except in Romans)
81 -- Late Alexandrian
256 -- family 2127 (probably; based on von Soden's collations)
1175 -- Late Alexandrian (Mostly; not in Romans or Thessalonians)
1506 -- Alexandrian (although of a peculiar type; needs a good study)
1739 -- family 1739
1881 -- family 1739
1962 -- Late Alexandrian; with 436
2127 -- family 2127
2464 -- Late Alexandrian (and not really good enough to be category II)

This list includes everything but 442 (which MIGHT go with 1962, but
I haven't much to go on). So it seems unlikely that there are any
PURE representatives of PURE text-types omitted.

And I'm sure this is all anyone ever wanted to hear on the subject!

Bob Waltz
waltzmn@skypoint.com



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In a message dated 96-05-01 16:28:31 EDT, you write:

>in the
>Mew Testament. 

<  
       )  \l/
           }    l   )
       )  /l\  
<

From majordom  Thu May  2 15:15:16 1996
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From: schmiul@uni-muenster.de(Ulrich Schmid)
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On Wed, 1 May 1996, Robert B. Waltz wrote:

>What cannot be found from _Text und Textwert_ is the mixed >manuscripts.
>Take, for example, 6. Its closest relative, in my sample, is L, >with
>69% agreement. The figures for other Byzantine manuscripts are >similar.
>By contrast, 6 agrees with 1739 only 64% of the time.

>I don't have _Text und Textwert_ in front of me, but if those >figures
>are representative, then T&T would show literally HUNDREDS of >manuscripts
>as being closer to 6 than is 1739.

Since I have _Text und Textwert_ in front of me, I may give the statistics 
therefrom concerning 6 related to 1739. I may point out that in these statistics 
only the units of variation were counted where 6 departs from the Majority text 
-safe for those instances where the Majority text is judged to be original (1/2 
readings in Aland's terminology)-, _and_ displays no singular reading (these 
statiscis are easily found in the _Hauptliste_, concluding each presentation of 
the data of the different epistles):
 
Romans - 86% agreement, with two MSS closer to 6 than 1739.
1.Cor - 97% agreement, no MS closer to 6.
2.Cor - lower than 70%, not in the list.
Gal - 78% agreement, no MS closer to 6 .
Eph - 82% agreement, 1739 is the colsest non fragmentary MSS to 6.
Phil - 100% agreem., 1739 is the closest non fragmentary MS to 6.
Col - 50% agreement, with 12 MSS closer to 6.
1.2.Thess - 80% agreement, with 6 other MSS closest to 6.
Pastorals + Philemon - 90% agreement, no MS closer to 6.
Hebrews - 90% agreement, with one MS closer to 6.

Safe for 2.Cor and Col the overall picture is clear: NO OTHER MS is closer to 6 
than 1739.

>So 6 is a weak member of family 1739 -- and this is not evident >from _Text und 
Textwert_.

Well, the statistics given above tell a different story. One should better check 
the tools, before criticizing them.

Robert b. Waltz further wrote:

[quoting Schmid:]
>>a.)The independence of the Byz. text of these four manuscript >>families is 
one
>>thing. But, on what reasons do they _predate_ the Byz. text?

>Whether I can prove they predate the Byzantine text, of course, >depends on 
what date you assign the Byzantine text.

>If you accept the Byzantine text as being fourth century, then the
>four groups I mentioned can be shown to be earlier. The early date
>of the p46-B group follows from the fact that p46 is third century
>or earlier...

No comment on that for the moment. I only wanted to know, if there is other 
reasoning involved, apart from the classical argument from the age of the 
witnesses. (Assessing this point seems to be Maurice's job).

[again quoting Schmid:]
>>This I appreciate very much: "That reading is best which best >>explains the 
others". But, why excluding the Byzantine text from >>this procedure?

>Who said I omitted the Byzantine text from this procedure?

Nobody said that explicitely. I was just assuming this, when following Bob's 
line of argument.

>I will admit that I may miss something in analysing it. But in
>analysing which reading best explains the others, I try to take
>ALL text-types into account.

Well, I just missed this, my fault. Thank you for clarification.

Robert B. Waltz further wrote:

[omitting Schmid's long quotation on the evidence concerning the place of the 
doxology:]

>I can't agree with your assessment of the internal evidence. It >omits at least 
one point: Marcion's editorial work on the epistle. >I think the
>possibility must at least be considered that the variation in the >placement of 
the doxology is the result of Marcion's using a >shorter form of Romans.
>We must also consider the possibility that Marcion _wrote_ the >doxology.

Well, "Marcion's editorial work on the epistle" often serves as _deus ex 
machina_. Especially with respect to the ending of Romans Marcion is either held 
responsible for omitting chapters 15-16, or for writing the doxology. But this 
is mostly due to not being acquainted with the evidence. In my recent post I 
refrained from taking Marcion's testimony into account, simply because I wished 
to know how Bob handles the problem. 

The undisputed evidence concerning Marcion's shorter form of Romans is the 
following:
a.) Origen testifies that the Marcionite letter to the Romans lacked chapters 
15-16, _and_ the doxology.
b.) Tertullian testifies that the Marcionite letter to the Romans was heavily 
mutilated (lacking at least parts of Rom 2 and most of Rom 9-11).
c.) There is additional evidence within the Old Latin prologue tradition and the 
Old Latin capitula systems that a shorter form of Romans (lacking chapters 
15-16, but including the doxology) circulated even outside the Marcionite 
tradition. 

To conclude therefrom: 
a.) It seems most unlikely that Marcion added the dogology to the shorter form 
of Romans, since the Marcionite edition(s) of the 3rd century lacked the 
doxology too (cf. Origen). 
b.) It seems also most unlikely that Marcion  _created_ the shorter form of 
Romans (lacking chapter 15-16), because there is evidence of this form of Romans 
outside Marcionite circles, but there is NO evidence of the secure Marcionite 
omissions (parts of Romans 2 and most of Romans 9-11) outside Marcionite 
circles.
c.) The only logical conclusion to me is to assume that there once must have 
been a pre-Marcionite edition of Romans (most likely being part of a 
pre-Marcionite edition of a 10 letter Corpus) that lacked chapters 15-16 
(presumably due to mechanical corruption). Due to the abrupt ending of Romans 
after 14,23 the concluding doxology was added and so became part of the 
tradition.
d.) The resulting variation of the postion of the doxology within the NT textual 
transmission can be easily explained by assuming cross contamination between the 
longer form of Romans 1,1-16,24 _lacking_ the doxology and the shorter form 
1,1-14,23 _including_ the doxology.  
 
I now may return to Bob's referrence to Marcion. The "possibility that Marcion 
_wrote_ the doxology" is theoretically and practically ruled out -remember 
Origen's testimony in conjunction with Occam's razor. The consideration "that 
the variation in the placement of the doxology is the result of Marcion's using 
a shorter form of Romans" is vague to the extreme and in itself quite typical of 
how Marcion's testimony is generally used. It simply does not explain, why the 
doxology, being originally placed after 16,23, should ever have been removed 
from that position and put after 14,23 as long as chapters 15-16 still follow. 
What impact should "Marcion's using a shorter form of Romans" really have on 
this issue, especially when taking into consideration that a) Marcion's shorter 
form lacked the doxology, b) Marcion's shorter form also lacked parts of Rom 2 
and most of Rom 9-11 (which certainly had no impact on tradition), and c) 
Marcion was at least from the time of Irenaeus considered as mutilating 
scripture?

To my mind it seems beyond a reasonable doubt that Marcion neither created the 
shorter form of Romans (omitting chapters 15-16), nor appended the doxology, nor 
influenced the rest of tradition at this point. This is a pre-Marcionite 
phenomenon and the Byzantine tradition in this specific instance testifies to 
the presumably oldest form of the cross contamination of the longer and the 
shorter form of Romans. 

Lastly, I would like to apologize to Bob for having singled out his appeal to 
"Marcion's using a shorter form of Romans" in order to attack this type of 
argument. I shurely did not want to offend Bob with my somehow zealous attack. I 
should say that this appeal is very frequent, but only seldomly thought through 
with all it's implications. Seeing it repeated again and again just brings me 
up. So, sorry for that.

I brought up the problem of the Romans doxology for two reasons:
a.) I wanted to illustrate that applying the limited eclected method exposed by 
Bob sometimes may face problems that can not be solved from within the mere 
grouping and counting of ancient manuscript families.
b.) Even more disturbing, there seems to be evidence of phenomena 
transcendending and antedating all our known text-types: different editions of 
Pauls letters. The limited eclectic method like most other theories presuppose 
the existence of one archetype of the textual transmission. But there is 
evidence that with respect to the textual transmission of the Pauline Corpus we 
have to deal with no clear only-one-archetype-situation.   

To conclude therefrom: I plea for weighing the _evidence_ (i.e. readings) rather 
than merely counting it, and focussing on an "unbiased but intelligent selection 
of readings". There I feel very much in agreement with Bob Waltz. He also wrote 
on Wed, 1 May 1996 in another post:
> By "intelligent" I mean that we don't use too many variants of >the type 
"add/omit article," or the like, which cannot be rendered >in the versions, nor 
too many variants where scribes could easily >have made a change my accident 
(e.g. between future indicative and >aorist subjunctive). By "unbiased" I mean 
that we not take many >variants of the "D-and-a-few-Old-Latin-against-the-world" 
type.

Ulrich Schmid, Muenster



From majordom  Thu May  2 17:57:21 1996
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On Thu, 02 May 96, schmiul@uni-muenster.de (Ulrich Schmid) wrote:

>On Wed, 1 May 1996, Robert B. Waltz wrote:
>
>>What cannot be found from _Text und Textwert_ is the mixed >manuscripts.
>>Take, for example, 6. Its closest relative, in my sample, is L, >with
>>69% agreement. The figures for other Byzantine manuscripts are >similar.
>>By contrast, 6 agrees with 1739 only 64% of the time.
>
>>I don't have _Text und Textwert_ in front of me, but if those >figures
>>are representative, then T&T would show literally HUNDREDS of >manuscripts
>>as being closer to 6 than is 1739.
>
>Since I have _Text und Textwert_ in front of me, I may give the statistics
>therefrom concerning 6 related to 1739. I may point out that in these
>statistics
>only the units of variation were counted where 6 departs from the Majority
>text
>-safe for those instances where the Majority text is judged to be original
>(1/2
>readings in Aland's terminology)-, _and_ displays no singular reading (these
>statiscis are easily found in the _Hauptliste_, concluding each
>presentation of
>the data of the different epistles):
>
>Romans - 86% agreement, with two MSS closer to 6 than 1739.
>1.Cor - 97% agreement, no MS closer to 6.
>2.Cor - lower than 70%, not in the list.
>Gal - 78% agreement, no MS closer to 6 .
>Eph - 82% agreement, 1739 is the colsest non fragmentary MSS to 6.
>Phil - 100% agreem., 1739 is the closest non fragmentary MS to 6.
>Col - 50% agreement, with 12 MSS closer to 6.
>1.2.Thess - 80% agreement, with 6 other MSS closest to 6.
>Pastorals + Philemon - 90% agreement, no MS closer to 6.
>Hebrews - 90% agreement, with one MS closer to 6.
>
>Safe for 2.Cor and Col the overall picture is clear: NO OTHER MS is closer
>to 6
>than 1739.

Interesting. Although, if I read your statement correctly, this is only
in non-Byzantine readings. Not overall readings.

Still, I would make three comments:

1. The fact that someone else generally agrees with my result hardly
   invalidates my method. :-)

2. If the closest manuscript to 6, in the list of overall agreements,
   is still 1739, it is a very strong argument for Broman's contention
   that the nature of one's sample STRONGLY AFFECTS one's results.

3. The results above are calculated based on PITIFULLY small samples.
   As I recall, _Text und Textwert_ uses only about 250 readings
   in the entire Pauline corpus. In individual books there are
   about three readings per chapter. (For instance, I believe there
   are ten readings in Colossians.) This is FAR too small a sample
   to give meaningful results -- especially since 6 has Byzantine
   readings in many of these places.

I'm not saying the _Text und Textwert_ data is wrong. But it is not
sufficient. (I'm not alone in saying this. Eldon Jay Epp has made
similar comments.)

>>So 6 is a weak member of family 1739 -- and this is not evident >from
>>_Text und
>Textwert_.

Try looking at it from the other direction. What manuscript stands
closest to 1739 in _Text und Textwert_? I think that, in a number of
the list, it is B. (I could be wrong; I can't check this for a few
days. But I think I recall that.) Rarely, if ever, does 6 top the
list. But 6 _is_ a member of family 1739, and B is not. B just has
a lot more non-Byzantine readings. So the only way I can locate
6 as a member of family 1739 is working from 6's list. We need a
reciprocal tool. I have one; _Text und Textwert_ doesn't.

>Well, the statistics given above tell a different story. One should better
>check
>the tools, before criticizing them.

Depends on what one means by "criticism." _Text und Textwert_ is a massive
achievement. It allows us to distinguish the 80-90% of minuscules which
are Byzantine from the relatively few that are something else.

>Robert b. Waltz further wrote:
>
>[quoting Schmid:]
>>>a.)The independence of the Byz. text of these four manuscript >>families is
>one
>>>thing. But, on what reasons do they _predate_ the Byz. text?
>
>>Whether I can prove they predate the Byzantine text, of course, >depends on
>what date you assign the Byzantine text.
>
>>If you accept the Byzantine text as being fourth century, then the
>>four groups I mentioned can be shown to be earlier. The early date
>>of the p46-B group follows from the fact that p46 is third century
>>or earlier...
>
>No comment on that for the moment. I only wanted to know, if there is other
>reasoning involved, apart from the classical argument from the age of the
>witnesses. (Assessing this point seems to be Maurice's job).

That's complicated. In Paul, the first witnesses to have a _purely_
Byzantine text are the ninth century uncials. But we see Byzantine
influence as early as A and C, and quite a bit in the Syriac versions.
It might be worth asking: Does it follow that the Byzantine text is the
same age in all parts of the scriptures? I don't know.

[...]

>
>Robert B. Waltz further wrote:
>
>[omitting Schmid's long quotation on the evidence concerning the place of the
>doxology:]
>
>>I can't agree with your assessment of the internal evidence. It >omits at
>>least
>one point: Marcion's editorial work on the epistle. >I think the
>>possibility must at least be considered that the variation in the
>>>placement of
>the doxology is the result of Marcion's using a >shorter form of Romans.
>>We must also consider the possibility that Marcion _wrote_ the >doxology.
>
[Long argument about Marcion's text omitted]
>
>To my mind it seems beyond a reasonable doubt that Marcion neither created the
>shorter form of Romans (omitting chapters 15-16), nor appended the
>doxology, nor
>influenced the rest of tradition at this point. This is a pre-Marcionite
>phenomenon and the Byzantine tradition in this specific instance testifies to
>the presumably oldest form of the cross contamination of the longer and the
>shorter form of Romans.
>
>Lastly, I would like to apologize to Bob for having singled out his appeal to
>"Marcion's using a shorter form of Romans" in order to attack this type of
>argument. I shurely did not want to offend Bob with my somehow zealous
>attack. I
>should say that this appeal is very frequent, but only seldomly thought
>through
>with all it's implications. Seeing it repeated again and again just brings me
>up. So, sorry for that.

I don't consider this an attack. You have more facts at my disposal than
I do. But if Marcion didn't make changes to the ending of Romans, nonetheless
those changes OCCURRED. That still seems to me an easier explanation for
the phenomena of Romans than Byzantine priority.

>I brought up the problem of the Romans doxology for two reasons:
>a.) I wanted to illustrate that applying the limited eclected method
>exposed by
>Bob sometimes may face problems that can not be solved from within the mere
>grouping and counting of ancient manuscript families.

Agreed. But if NT textual criticism were simple, we wouldn't still
be arguing about it. :-)

>b.) Even more disturbing, there seems to be evidence of phenomena
>transcendending and antedating all our known text-types: different editions of
>Pauls letters. The limited eclectic method like most other theories presuppose
>the existence of one archetype of the textual transmission. But there is
>evidence that with respect to the textual transmission of the Pauline
>Corpus we
>have to deal with no clear only-one-archetype-situation.

On this I would be interested to hear your opinion. In most cases (Ephesians
and Romans being perhaps exceptions), there could only be ONE autograph.
There could well have been various editions of the Pauline corpus, but these
are later than the autographs. Which are you proposing to reconstruct?

Bob Waltz
waltzmn@skypoint.com



From majordom  Fri May  3 11:43:17 1996
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ouch, I thought my message was going to the sender.  Sorry!

From majordom  Fri May  3 12:35:54 1996
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On Thu, 2 May 1996, Robert B. Waltz wrote:

[quoting Schmid:]
>>Safe for 2.Cor and Col the overall picture is clear: NO OTHER MS 
>>is closer to 6 than 1739.

>Interesting. Although, if I read your statement correctly, this is 
>only in non-Byzantine readings. Not overall readings.

Correct. There are basically two statistics in _Text und Textwert_. 
The _Hauptliste_ where the agreements in non-Majority text readings 
are given, and the _Ergaenzungsliste_, where the overall agreements 
are given.

>Still, I would make three comments:

>1. The fact that someone else generally agrees with my result 
>hardly invalidates my method. :-)

Nobody said that. I was just commenting on Bob' statements on what 
_Text und Textwert_ in his opinion could not serve for. The 6-1739 
relationship was his example. 

>2. If the closest manuscript to 6, in the list of overall 
>agreements, is still 1739, it is a very strong argument for 
>Broman's contention that the nature of one's sample STRONGLY 
>AFFECTS one's results.

In the list of overall agreements 1739 is evidently NOT closest to 
6. These results are found in the _Ergaenzungsliste_, where 1739 
usually not even found its way into the printed statistics (some 30 
closest MSS) related to 6 (the full statistics of the 
_Ergaenzungsliste_ as well as the full statistics of the 
_Hauptliste_ are available here in Muenster).

>3. The results above are calculated based on PITIFULLY small 
>samples. As I recall, _Text und Textwert_ uses only about 250 
>readings in the entire Pauline corpus. In individual books there 
>are about three readings per chapter. (For instance, I believe 
>there are ten readings in Colossians.) This is FAR too small a 
>sample to give meaningful results -- especially since 6 has 
>Byzantine readings in many of these places.

Well, in the _Hauptliste_ (agreements in non-Majority text 
readings) 1739 is closest to 6 (mostly 80% and more agreements). In 
the _Ergaenzungsliste_ (overall agreements) 1739 is mostly not 
counted under the 30 closest MSS to 6 (around 60% agreements).
 
>I'm not saying the _Text und Textwert_ data is wrong. But it is 
>not sufficient. (I'm not alone in saying this. Eldon Jay Epp has 
>made similar comments.)

I do not claim that _Text und Textwert_ data are "sufficent". By 
the way, what does "sufficient" really mean in this particular 
instance? Sufficient for what purpose? Remember, my initial 
question was: "Do the results drawn from _Text und Textwert_with 
respect to MSS grouping differ significantly from the results drawn 
from the 50 MSS at 550 variation units?" I just wanted to assess 
the value and the limits of this published tool of referrence, when 
compared to other results. Bob offered up to now no example that 
proves his data to be more "sufficient" than the data from _Text 
und Textwert_. 

What other scholars state in this regard is simply of no value, 
_unless_ they prove the results from the data to be inferior when 
compared to other samples. I do not say that this might be 
impossible, but I need hard facts in order to know the limits of 
_Text und Textwert_ and to use it in an appropriate way. I concede 
that the handling of _Text und Textwert_ is not very easy, but from 
my own experiences it offers more significant results than most 
critics expect. 

>Try looking at it from the other direction. What manuscript stands
>closest to 1739 in _Text und Textwert_? I think that, in a number 
>of the list, it is B. (I could be wrong; I can't check this for a 
>few days. But I think I recall that.) Rarely, if ever, does 6 top 
>the list. But 6 _is_ a member of family 1739, and B is not. B just 
>has a lot more non-Byzantine readings. So the only way I can 
>locate
>6 as a member of family 1739 is working from 6's list. We need a
>reciprocal tool. I have one; _Text und Textwert_ doesn't.

If properly used _Text und Textwert_ too has a reciprocal tool. 
When compared to 1739, 6 is usually found under the 3 to 20 closest 
MSS. When looking at the rare or near singular readings which can  
also be done from the _Hauptliste_, then one finds some striking 
agreements between 1739 and 6 even in the _Hauptliste_ of 1739, 
which automatically would attract the attention of a careful 
student.  

So, please, before assessing the value of _Text und Textwert_, 
when compared to other statistics, use it and find out what can be 
achieved. We can, and should, talk about its limits, but only when 
carefully examined.

>That's complicated. In Paul, the first witnesses to have a 
>_purely_
>Byzantine text are the ninth century uncials. But we see Byzantine
>influence as early as A and C, and quite a bit in the Syriac 
>versions.
>It might be worth asking: Does it follow that the Byzantine text 
>is the same age in all parts of the scriptures? I don't know.

This is, indeed, a complicated matter. The questions of canonical 
status of various parts of the NT as well as the problem of 
randomly preserved witnesses are involved. For example in the 
General epistles the testimony of Chrysostomos is almost totally 
lacking. He is normally held to be to oldest extant witness to a 
fully developped Byzantine text, but, as you shurely know, most of 
Chrysostomos works are not available in modern critical editions, 
and the reliability of the Migne editions is an open question 
(though I personally would not be overall pessimistic on this 
issue). Even more disturbing, S. New, J. Geerlings, G. Zuntz, and others have 
severely challenged the view of a full blown Byz. text in the works of 
Chrysostomos even for the Gospels. Nevertheless, looking solely on the 
historically settled evidence from the General epistles the full blown Byz. text 
seems to be later at date compared to the Byz. text of the Gospels.

When collecting the historically settled evidence from the General 
epistles, one finds, apart from some very interesting testimonies 
from the Old Latin (sometimes with highly interesting connections 
to P 72), simply speaking the older uncials (including few 
minuscules like 1739) and the late Byzantine text. But somehow in 
between we also find the Harclean Vorlage (105-1611-2138-2495 with 
some other MSS more or less connected). The Harklean Vorlage has 
roughly speaking two interesting features: a) compared to both, old 
uncials and late Byz. text, it shares some very significant 
distinct readings, b) again compared to both, it gives 
proportionally more readings that are found in the Byz. text than 
in the old uncials. 

So, it depends on how you look on that. I prefer to arrange the 
evidence in the way how it looks like in a historical perspective, 
i.e. the Harklean Vorlage testifies to the emergence of the Byz. 
text rather than to its full blown existence. But from a 
pro-Byzantine viewpoint one may arrange the evidence the other way 
round. Though I still hold the latter to be less likely, I think 
the ultimate decision on that must be sought by weighing the 
evidence. Therefore, I wish to focus on as much "unbiased and intelligent" units 
of variation as possible. And to my mind one such thing is the doxology of 
Romans.   

Concerning the doxology Bob further wrote:

>You have more facts at my disposal than I do. But if Marcion
> didn't make changes to the ending of Romans, nonetheless
>those changes OCCURRED. That still seems to me an easier >explanation for the 
phenomena of Romans than Byzantine priority.

Well, if changes occur, one simply has to apply the criteria of our discipline. 
The most prominent and valuable is: "That reading is best which best explains 
the others". And with respect to the position of the Romans doxology, the 
placing after 16,23 simply cannot explain the placing after 14,23 with chapters 
15-16 still following. To my mind in this particular instance it is no matter of 
"easier explanation", but simply of _no_ explanation, when favoring the postion 
after 16,23. Note, we are not dealing here with transriptional matters that are 
often unconscious or subconscious phenomena. The changing position of the 
doxology involves editorial reasoning, and I simply fail to see any reasoning in 
the position of the doxology after 14,23 with chapters 15-16 still following. I 
also did not opt for absolute "Byzantine priority", but only for the relative 
priority of the reading that is most homogeniously attested by the Byzantine 
text, when compared to most of the older witnesses. Nevertheless, I do not 
consider the Byz. reading in this peculiar instance as the original reading. 

>>[quoting Schmid:]
>>But there is evidence that with respect to the textual >>transmission of the 
Pauline Corpus we
>>have to deal with no clear only-one-archetype-situation.

>On this I would be interested to hear your opinion. In most cases >(Ephesians 
and Romans being perhaps exceptions), there could only >be ONE autograph.
>There could well have been various editions of the Pauline corpus, >but these 
are later than the autographs. Which are you proposing >to reconstruct? 

Shure, theoretically there only could be ONE autograph with respect to the 
individual epistles as distinct entities. But practically, I think, one has to 
consider at least two initial copies of the individual epistles. Since Paul 
evidently used a secretary, often names co-authors, and sometimes refers to 
previous epistles, it seems evident to me that one copy of the individual 
epistles was sent and one copy was retained. This would be normal practice. And 
shurely the two copies would slightly differ (due to human nature). I do not 
hold this to be disturbing, and nobody else in antiquity would have been 
bothered by that, so I do not think that there was much cross-checking at a very 
early stage. However, there is a very early referrence to a faked letter (cf. 
2.Thess 2,2; 3,17). But the issue there seems to be the fake of a whole letter 
and not of parts of a letter. Cross-checking normally only takes place, when 
there are severe doubts expressed (Pliny comes to my mind. He sometimes asked 
the emperor in his letters to cross-check various appeals of individuals based 
on written documents with the copies of that retained in Rome). So much to the 
initial stages.

Editions including a certain number of letters prepared for publication and 
wider circulation is quite another thing. First, it depends on who did the job. 
If it was the author (cf. Pliny), he or (once for all) "she" would have 
presumably relied on the copies he retained (presumably without cross-checking). 
If it was not the author, but the one the letters had been addressed to (cf. 
Cicero's letters to Atticus), he would have taken the copies he had recieved 
(presumably without cross-checking). Second, if it was neither the author nor 
the recipient, it would depend on to what he actually had access, what he could 
assemble, to what purpose the edition was prepared (local edition, editio maior, 
etc.), and last, but not least what authority is ascribed to the one who did it. 
For example, Polycarp assembled letters from Ignatius, in fact the Philippian 
comunity seemed to have assumed that Polycarp was able to edit and distribute 
their Ignatian epistle. In this process I find only slight possibilites of 
cross-checking, because normally everyone trusts the other. And, if the edition 
once is prepared and circulates, the normal effect would be that its form of the 
text of the individual epistles supersedes the may be slightly different forms 
of the autographs. This is due because the editor is normally credited to have 
done a good job. Cross-checking against autographs would be not very likely. 
Only very few could have done this, and only with respect to a limited part of 
the whole edition. I may add that no matter who did the job, he was perfectly 
able to alter somehow the text of the individual letter, mainly by leaving out 
what he considers to be of no overall interest. He also would have been free to 
choose, if some letters are included or excluded. So, we are now confronted with 
a new archetype situation.

This is presumably the normal way, how things go, when looking for a reasonable 
scenario covering the way from the individual letter to a letter edition 
replacing the autograph of the individual letter (cf. David Trobisch on the 
technical aspect of the whole subject). 

When looking at the Corpus Paulinum, the first thing to notice is that our 
extant MSS give no undisputed evidence to the circulation of individual letters. 
In fact, to my mind, the overall attested codex form heavily points to letter 
_collections_ even for the fragments. Second, the patristic evidence only points 
to two larger, major editions of the Corpus Paulinum: The 10 letter edition of 
Marcion (which is to my mind of pre-Marcionite origin) and the canonical 14 (13) 
letter edition, with the somehow ambigous role of Hebrews. Third, the letter 
sequenzes in our extant MSS are relativly stable. Fourth, within our extant 
textual tradition of the Corpus Paulinum, there is ample evidence that not all 
of the letters attributed to Paul are included. Assuming the integrity of the 
Pauline letters in their actual state of appearence, parts of the Corinthians 
and may be also parts of the Philippians correspondences seem to lack. Further, 
assuming Ephesians to be Ephesians and not Laodiceans, then Laodiceans is 
lacking too. Fifth, Romans (cf. the ending) and Ephesians (cf. the address) 
display a puzzling textual history within our extant textual tradition, and the 
solving of this puzzle seems to be found in the pre-Marcionite 10 letter edition 
(there Romans only had 14 chapters, and Ephesians was held to be Laodiceans). 

What we are reconstructing is either way only the text of the editions. This may 
sound pessimistic, but I do not think that there was so much evil doing 
involved, except for few very bad anti-judaic additions within the 10 letter 
edition. All in all most of the text is practically unaltered preserved, and up 
to now I found no compelling reason for judging it not going back to the 
autographs. But, remember some of Pauls letters are not part of the editions. 
So, it depends on one's own perspective to assume what else may be credited to 
the editors. As I said earlier, I personally do not think that there was much 
evil doing involved, I shurely do not believe in any conspiracy theory. Occam's 
razor is lurking behind all this stuff. But, on the other hand, it seems most 
unlikely to me to detect at each and every variation unit "the" reading of the 
autograph. What we are dealing with is the archetype of a textual tradition that 
was spread through _editions_, presumably through two major ones and not too 
much smaller ones.  

So this is, believe it or not, _in short_, what I think on this issue.

Ulrich Schmid, Muenster








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On Fri, 03 May 96, schmiul@uni-muenster.de (Ulrich Schmid) wrote:

>On Thu, 2 May 1996, Robert B. Waltz wrote:

[omitting a large amount of material to which I have nothing to add]

>
>>3. The results above are calculated based on PITIFULLY small
>>samples. As I recall, _Text und Textwert_ uses only about 250
>>readings in the entire Pauline corpus. In individual books there
>>are about three readings per chapter. (For instance, I believe
>>there are ten readings in Colossians.) This is FAR too small a
>>sample to give meaningful results -- especially since 6 has
>>Byzantine readings in many of these places.
>
>Well, in the _Hauptliste_ (agreements in non-Majority text
>readings) 1739 is closest to 6 (mostly 80% and more agreements). In
>the _Ergaenzungsliste_ (overall agreements) 1739 is mostly not
>counted under the 30 closest MSS to 6 (around 60% agreements).
>
>>I'm not saying the _Text und Textwert_ data is wrong. But it is
>>not sufficient. (I'm not alone in saying this. Eldon Jay Epp has
>>made similar comments.)
>
>I do not claim that _Text und Textwert_ data are "sufficent". By
>the way, what does "sufficient" really mean in this particular
>instance? Sufficient for what purpose? Remember, my initial
>question was: "Do the results drawn from _Text und Textwert_with
>respect to MSS grouping differ significantly from the results drawn
>from the 50 MSS at 550 variation units?" I just wanted to assess
>the value and the limits of this published tool of referrence, when
>compared to other results. Bob offered up to now no example that
>proves his data to be more "sufficient" than the data from _Text
>und Textwert_.
>
>What other scholars state in this regard is simply of no value,
>_unless_ they prove the results from the data to be inferior when
>compared to other samples. I do not say that this might be
>impossible, but I need hard facts in order to know the limits of
>_Text und Textwert_ and to use it in an appropriate way. I concede
>that the handling of _Text und Textwert_ is not very easy, but from
>my own experiences it offers more significant results than most
>critics expect.

I will concede the last statement. For example, I think it
*proves* that there are, in Paul, *no* "Western" witnesses except
D F G 629 and the Latin versions. I think it also demonstrated
the existence of the 330-451-2492 family that I alluded to earlier
(though it does not clearly show the rather complex relationships
between the three).

I will also admit that it is hard for me to prove the superiority
of my sample. *I* have found many more relationships using my
sample, but that *may* be because the data in _Text und Textwert_
is so hard to use (its practical utility would probably be doubled
if all results for the same manuscript were placed on the same page).

If I cannot demonstrate the superiority of my method, part of the
problem lies in my sample -- too few readings (I would like 50%
more), too biased a sample (I was forced to use readings found in
GNT/UBS3 or in _Text und Textwert_), too many innacurate collations
(e.g. half my readings for 1611 came from Merk's imperfect
transcription of Von Soden's imperfect collations).

But conceding all that, I remain very troubled by the data in
_Text und Textwert_. I think the readings are biased (too many
variants which have the "Western" text on one side and everything
else on the other). I think there are too few variants where the
Byzantine text divides. This makes it very difficult to establish
the families within the Byzantine text -- and we *know* that
families exist in the gospels, and can only suspect they are to
be found elsewhere (e.g. 056 and 0142 form a pair, as do K and
0151).

But most of all, I think there are too few variants. Ten entries
in Colossians? That means each variant is responsible for 10%
of a manuscript's score. One *typographical error* in entering
a collation could completely obscure the results. One misread
marginal comment could produce a singular reading in a manuscript.
A sample that small is just too subject to "noise."

Which also brings us to the question of statistical significance.
This is worth remembering: A five percent difference in a sample
with twenty readings is *not* significant. That represents a
difference in one reading. If we had instead eighty or a hundred
readings, and still maintained our five percent difference, *that*
is significant.

Turn to the Catholics for a minute. We've both alluded to the
"harklean" family (which I follow Duplacy in calling family 1611).
This family in fact has a large number of subfamilies -- 614+2412,
1505+2495, 630+1799+206+429, etc. Perhaps *you* could find them
by examining _Text und Textwert_. I couldn't.

I repeat, I think _Text und Textwert_ is a *tremendous* accomplishment.
But it is *not* a sufficient manuscript classification tool.
Probability theory makes this claim, and -- while I can't prove
my statement otherwise -- unless firm COUNTERevidence can be
offered, I will trust the mathematics.

Which is a lot to say about what is really a rather minor point (the
nature of _Text und Textwert_). We were *supposed* to be talking about
how one uses the information derived from sampling methods. For the
most part, _Text und Textwert_ confirms my claims. Which means that
we can get back to analysing our critical data.

And my apology for the long digression. :-)

>>Try looking at it from the other direction. What manuscript stands
>>closest to 1739 in _Text und Textwert_? I think that, in a number
>>of the list, it is B. (I could be wrong; I can't check this for a
>>few days. But I think I recall that.) Rarely, if ever, does 6 top
>>the list. But 6 _is_ a member of family 1739, and B is not. B just
>>has a lot more non-Byzantine readings. So the only way I can
>>locate
>>6 as a member of family 1739 is working from 6's list. We need a
>>reciprocal tool. I have one; _Text und Textwert_ doesn't.
>
>If properly used _Text und Textwert_ too has a reciprocal tool.
>When compared to 1739, 6 is usually found under the 3 to 20 closest
>MSS. When looking at the rare or near singular readings which can
>also be done from the _Hauptliste_, then one finds some striking
>agreements between 1739 and 6 even in the _Hauptliste_ of 1739,
>which automatically would attract the attention of a careful
>student.

Now *that* surprises me. Not that 6 has a number of near-singular
agreements with 1739 (since that is a statistic I keep), but
that you could work through the data enough to find it.

But that's just because of the way _Text und Textwert_ is presented.
Would you have discovered that fact if you had not been looking?

[...]

>
>When collecting the historically settled evidence from the General
>epistles, one finds, apart from some very interesting testimonies
>from the Old Latin (sometimes with highly interesting connections
>to P 72), simply speaking the older uncials (including few
>minuscules like 1739) and the late Byzantine text. But somehow in
>between we also find the Harclean Vorlage (105-1611-2138-2495 with
>some other MSS more or less connected). The Harklean Vorlage has
>roughly speaking two interesting features: a) compared to both, old
>uncials and late Byz. text, it shares some very significant
>distinct readings, b) again compared to both, it gives
>proportionally more readings that are found in the Byz. text than
>in the old uncials.

The question -- which I do not claim to have the answer to -- is,
"Was there ever a purer text behind family 2138?" This family, in
the general epistles, is clearly distinct from the Byzantine text.
But it is not an Alexandrian text (so Duplacy against Richards.
And the evidence, as far as I'm concerned, clearly supports
Duplacy). Duplacy thinks family 2138 is the "Western" text.
I think not; it doesn't share many readings with the Old Latin.
(Though this is hardly proof, given how few Old Latin witnesses
there are in the general epistles.) This is a question that
needs a good study.

>So, it depends on how you look on that. I prefer to arrange the
>evidence in the way how it looks like in a historical perspective,
>i.e. the Harklean Vorlage testifies to the emergence of the Byz.
>text rather than to its full blown existence. But from a
>pro-Byzantine viewpoint one may arrange the evidence the other way
>round. Though I still hold the latter to be less likely, I think
>the ultimate decision on that must be sought by weighing the
>evidence. Therefore, I wish to focus on as much "unbiased and intelligent"
>units
>of variation as possible. And to my mind one such thing is the doxology of
>Romans.

Agreed in general.

>Concerning the doxology Bob further wrote:
>
>>You have more facts at my disposal than I do. But if Marcion
>> didn't make changes to the ending of Romans, nonetheless
>>those changes OCCURRED. That still seems to me an easier >explanation for the
>phenomena of Romans than Byzantine priority.
>
>Well, if changes occur, one simply has to apply the criteria of our
>discipline.
>The most prominent and valuable is: "That reading is best which best explains
>the others".

We obviously agree on this one, since I said that it is the ONLY canon
of internal criticism.

>And with respect to the position of the Romans doxology, the
>placing after 16,23 simply cannot explain the placing after 14,23 with
>chapters
>15-16 still following. To my mind in this particular instance it is no
>matter of
>"easier explanation", but simply of _no_ explanation, when favoring the
>postion
>after 16,23. Note, we are not dealing here with transriptional matters
>that are
>often unconscious or subconscious phenomena. The changing position of the
>doxology involves editorial reasoning, and I simply fail to see any
>reasoning in
>the position of the doxology after 14,23 with chapters 15-16 still following.

Agreed. I think that, if the fourteen chapter form circulated widely, it
would explain the inclusion of the doxology after chapter 14. But apparently
the fourteen chapter form was not common.

>I
>also did not opt for absolute "Byzantine priority", but only for the relative
>priority of the reading that is most homogeniously attested by the Byzantine
>text, when compared to most of the older witnesses. Nevertheless, I do not
>consider the Byz. reading in this peculiar instance as the original reading.

That follows from my approach to the witnesses, but you've certainly offered
some interesting arguments. I'm surprised we haven't heard from Maurice
Robinson. Unlike most other proponents of the Byzantine text, he clearly
*knows* the evidence, and has a developed theory of the text. I wish I
knew more about it.

[large omission with which I have no quarrel]

>
>When looking at the Corpus Paulinum, the first thing to notice is that our
>extant MSS give no undisputed evidence to the circulation of individual
>letters.
>In fact, to my mind, the overall attested codex form heavily points to letter
>_collections_ even for the fragments. Second, the patristic evidence only
>points
>to two larger, major editions of the Corpus Paulinum: The 10 letter edition of
>Marcion (which is to my mind of pre-Marcionite origin) and the canonical
>14 (13)
>letter edition, with the somehow ambigous role of Hebrews.

I would agree, with one caveat: p46 apparently omitted the Pastorals. So
there may have been *three* editions. Still, it seems quite clear that *at
least* the ten letters in Marcion's canon were found in all editions
which circulated.

I think, in fact, that the evidence of p46 supports your belief that
Marcion's canon preceded him.

>Third, the letter
>sequenzes in our extant MSS are relativly stable. Fourth, within our extant
>textual tradition of the Corpus Paulinum, there is ample evidence that not all
>of the letters attributed to Paul are included. Assuming the integrity of the
>Pauline letters in their actual state of appearence, parts of the Corinthians
>and may be also parts of the Philippians correspondences seem to lack.
>Further,
>assuming Ephesians to be Ephesians and not Laodiceans, then Laodiceans is
>lacking too. Fifth, Romans (cf. the ending) and Ephesians (cf. the address)
>display a puzzling textual history within our extant textual tradition,
>and the
>solving of this puzzle seems to be found in the pre-Marcionite 10 letter
>edition
>(there Romans only had 14 chapters, and Ephesians was held to be Laodiceans).
>
>What we are reconstructing is either way only the text of the editions.
>This may
>sound pessimistic, but I do not think that there was so much evil doing
>involved, except for few very bad anti-judaic additions within the 10 letter
>edition. All in all most of the text is practically unaltered preserved,
>and up
>to now I found no compelling reason for judging it not going back to the
>autographs. But, remember some of Pauls letters are not part of the editions.
>So, it depends on one's own perspective to assume what else may be credited to
>the editors. As I said earlier, I personally do not think that there was much
>evil doing involved, I shurely do not believe in any conspiracy theory.
>Occam's
>razor is lurking behind all this stuff. But, on the other hand, it seems most
>unlikely to me to detect at each and every variation unit "the" reading of the
>autograph.

I agree. I believe that there are probably places where "the" original
reading is lost to us. Westcott and Hort had their marginal readings
and their obeli marking questionable readings. I think this has some
value; in my personal text I mark questionable readings and readings
where I simply *cannot* determine the original with confidence.

>What we are dealing with is the archetype of a textual tradition that
>was spread through _editions_, presumably through two major ones and not too
>much smaller ones.
>
>So this is, believe it or not, _in short_, what I think on this issue.

:-)

Bob Waltz
waltzmn@skypoint.com



From majordom  Fri May  3 19:02:49 1996
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From: Maurice Robinson <mrobinsn@mercury.interpath.com>
To: tc-list@scholar.cc.emory.edu
Subject: Re: Textual Theory
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On Fri, 3 May 1996, Robert B. Waltz wrote:

[Re: the doxology in Romans]

[Schmid:]

>>I
>>also did not opt for absolute "Byzantine priority", but only for the relative
>>priority of the reading that is most homogeniously attested by the Byzantine
>>text, when compared to most of the older witnesses. Nevertheless, I do not
>>consider the Byz. reading in this peculiar instance as the original reading. 

[Waltz:]

> That follows from my approach to the witnesses, but you've certainly offered
> some interesting arguments. I'm surprised we haven't heard from Maurice
> Robinson. Unlike most other proponents of the Byzantine text, he clearly
> *knows* the evidence, and has a developed theory of the text. I wish I
> knew more about it.

[Robinson:]

I wrote to Ulrich privately and said I would gladly bow out of this
discussion, since he was _de facto_ defending the Byzantine placement of
the doxology as (at least) the source which underlies all extant MSS.  In
that regard I agree fully, though of course I still will maintain that the
Byzantine reading does _not_ imply a 14-chapter version of Romans which
somehow preceded what we have; rather I think that Romans reads quite well
with the Byzantine doxology at 14:23 and the inclusion of 16:24 as the
"real" end of Romans.  

My suspicions are that Paul was intending to end his epistle at chapter
14, but then added chs. 15 and 16 as an afterthought (one still has to
deal with the peculiar placement of the doxology in P46 at the end of
ch.15 as a clear early deviation from whatever else must have been the
original form, since no good reason would, as Ulrich noted, ever have
existed for the re-location of the doxology to the end of ch.14 had it not
been there originally).  I personally see no reason to argue for a 
shorter original form of Romans in the utter absence of MS evidence.  

I would suggest that, for the Pauline Epistles at least, the matter of the
Romans doxology is a very significant matter.  If indeed the Byzantine
Textform is correct here, in regard to the placement of a significant
block of text, and if no other extant form among our existing witnesses
could easily be acknowledged as the source of all the other variants (I
did say "existing" and not hypothetical speculations regarding what might
have been), then a presumptive case remains for the possible autograph 
originality of the Byzantine Textform in at least the remainder of 
Romans, and as likely within the entire Pauline Corpus.  So long as a 
definite transmissional history is attempted, and not a mere disjointed 
eclectic procedure in which the doxology is just one other unrelated 
variant unit, there seems to be little relief from the implication of the 
Byzantine placement of the doxology.  

Of course, if one wishes to speculate concerning non-existent "partial" 
or "short" copies of Romans, or creatively speculate concerning an
original doxology at either the end of ch.15 or at its current location at
the end of ch.16, I will definitely listen to the hypotheses, but I will
be most interested in learning how, after the doxology or the other
chapters are inserted in different places, the Byzantine scribes all
decided to include both the doxology at the end of ch.14 as well as
include all of chs.15 and 16 without relocation of the doxology to the end
of ch.16 as the supposedly "earlier" or "original" (as per UBS4/N27)
Alexandrian scribes seem to have done (if earlier, why would anyone
relocate it to ch.14?). 

_________________________________________________________________________
Maurice A. Robinson, Ph.D.           Assoc. Prof./Greek and New Testament
Southeastern Baptist Theological Seminary     Wake Forest, North Carolina
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~


From majordom  Sun May  5 10:02:31 1996
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Date: Sun, 05 May 96 16:01:42 +0100
From: schmiul@uni-muenster.de(Ulrich Schmid)
Subject: Pastorals on Papyri?
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By the way, who focussed recently on supposed non-existent papyri testimonies 
for the Pastorals? May be someone else checked this too. May be I simply miss 
the point, due to lapse of memory, but 
P32 is a fragment from Titus 1,11-15 (recto); 2,3-8 (verso), dated around 200 
AD. 

Ulrich Schmid, Muenster

From majordom  Sun May  5 10:02:48 1996
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From: schmiul@uni-muenster.de(Ulrich Schmid)
Subject: Re: Textual Theory
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On Fri, 3 May 1996, Robert B. Waltz wrote:

[quoting Schmid:]
>>What other scholars state in this regard is simply of no value,
>>_unless_ they prove the results from the data to be inferior when
>>compared to other samples. I do not say that this might be
>>impossible, but I need hard facts in order to know the limits of
>>_Text und Textwert_ and to use it in an appropriate way. I 
>>concede that the handling of _Text und Textwert_ is not very 
>>easy, but from my own experiences it offers more significant 
>>results than most critics expect.

>I will concede the last statement. For example, I think it
>*proves* that there are, in Paul, *no* "Western" witnesses except
>D F G 629 and the Latin versions...

I would like to withdraw the term "prove" in my obove mentioned 
statement, and have to have it replaced by "give examples that". 

>I will also admit that it is hard for me to prove the superiority
>of my sample. *I* have found many more relationships using my
>sample, but that *may* be because the data in _Text und Textwert_
>is so hard to use (its practical utility would probably be doubled
>if all results for the same manuscript were placed on the same 
>page).

I do not want anybody to "prove" something in this peculiar 
instance, for what we are dealing with are only reative samples 
compared to the overall evidence. I was just focussing on the point 
that there are some critics of _Text und Textwert_ who seem to 
simply rule down the validity of that tool, without giving evidence 
that they fully evaluated the data. There are two things I would 
like to say on that. First, I again concede that it is not easy to 
work with _Text und Textwert_. But, I suspect, doubeling its 
practical utility by, for example, placing all the results for the 
same manuscript on one page, would have doubled the space needed. 
Second, I recall my own first steps in getting acquainted with 
_Text und Textwert_. It took me a good deal of time, and I was 
driven down at least one blind alley. But, since it is a 
_published_ tool of referrence, I would like to know about others 
experiences in testing it in order to assess its validity and 
limits, when compared to other samples.  

>But conceding all that, I remain very troubled by the data in
>_Text und Textwert_. I think the readings are biased (too many
>variants which have the "Western" text on one side and everything
>else on the other). I think there are too few variants where the
>Byzantine text divides. This makes it very difficult to establish
>the families within the Byzantine text...

Well, the readings are choosen out of the pool of known variant 
readings which the different textual theories (safe, I think, the 
pro-Byzantine position) up to know considered as significant. I 
admit that it is only a small sample out of that pool, and one 
could argue on some of the readings. On the other hand, the goal of 
_Text und Textwert_ was _not_ to achieve an exhausted survey into 
the depths of the Byzantine text, but to single out the MSS which 
deviate more or less significantly from the Majority text. The 
predominant intention was to get a referrence tool that may be of 
help when choosing MSS for a new _editio critica maior_. And 
therefore, the deviation from the Majority text was singled out as 
a point of referrence in order to detect those MSS which had to 
become part of a critical apparatus.

>But most of all, I think there are too few variants. Ten entries
>in Colossians? That means each variant is responsible for 10%
>of a manuscript's score...

>Which also brings us to the question of statistical significance.
>This is worth remembering: A five percent difference in a sample
>with twenty readings is *not* significant. That represents a
>difference in one reading. If we had instead eighty or a hundred
>readings, and still maintained our five percent difference, *that*
>is significant.

I totally agree with that. The fewer items a sample has, the lesser 
is the significance drawn from percentage alone. To partly 
overcome such a situation it is absolutely necessary to weigh the 
evidence. Therefore, the full collation data are given, so one 
could check every single reading within the conspectus of all 
readings of a variation unit. The _quality_ of a reading 
(transposition, addition, omission, substitution, etc.), especially 
when rare readings or subsingulars are involved, has a high value 
(may be with the exception of the Byzantine text, for in its later 
strata almost no such readings seem to occur). I admit that not all 
of the units of variation are pertinent to such an assessment. But, 
I think, for the sake of balance one also has to include some 
transpositions or minor additions, because they too could turn 
out to be more significant than usually expected.

>Turn to the Catholics for a minute. We've both alluded to the
>"harklean" family (which I follow Duplacy in calling family 1611).
>This family in fact has a large number of subfamilies -- 614+2412,
>1505+2495, 630+1799+206+429, etc. Perhaps *you* could find them
>by examining _Text und Textwert_. I couldn't. 

The Catholics are a good example, because my friend Klaus Wachtel 
-who wrote his dissertation on _Der Byzantinische Text der 
Katholischen Briefe_- and I got our training on _Text und Textwert_
from the General epistles. Before we started to work with T&T we 
had been focussing on Claremont-profile, because we could not 
imagine that T&T would be particularly helpful when assessing the 
Byz. text; T&T simply was not designed for that. Then we started 
with MSS groupings from T&T and related the findings to von Soden's 
groupings. Klaus carefully examined all the MSS groups he singled 
out on the bases of T&T (for details consult his book published in: 
Arbeiten zur Neutestamentlichen Textforschung 25, deGruyter: 1995). 
I should add that Klaus not only counted the evidence, but also 
gives a 215 pp. textual commentary on the 98 _Teststellen_. Here I 
may give only few results based on counting.

a.) With respect to the Harklensis Vorlage (1505-1611-2138-2495) Klaus not only 
could determine the intra-group relationships, but he also could classify the 
related MSS  (206-429-522-614-630- 1292-2200-2412) in their relationship to one 
another and to the primary witnesses. For example the differences are mainly due 
to the supplementation of the related MSS in the last three epistles (2John 
-Jude) from at least two different Vorlagen. And lastly another partly close MS 
to 2138 could be identified: In James and 1Peter 1890 is very close to 2138, 
_and_ 1890 turned out to be the missing 1522.

b.) The first interesting fact with respect to the Majority text was that NO 
single MS completely AGREES with the Majority of witnesses at all the given 98 
Teststellen (orthographicals or itacims are not counted as deviations from the 
Majority text!). So by consequence, a Majority text theory built solely on mere 
counting would result in an eclectic text! NO single Majority-text manuscript in 
the proper sense of the term can be found within the bulk of 522 MSS for the 
General Epistles. (This is not contra Maurice Robinson. I am well aware that he 
holds other theoretical standards. But may be there are some who want to go an 
easier way.)

c.)To assess the Byz. MSS Klaus singled out _Leitlesarten_ -i.e. readings that 
depart from the Majority text, but are attested 
by at least 100 Byz. MSS. These readings are very interesting 
because the could help finding out even slighter changes within the 
Majority text. 
It turned out that von Soden's Kr group was identified by means 
of a distinct pattern at the _Leitlesarten_, shurely more 
complete and more precise than von Soden's. In the General epistles 
23 MSS belong to Kr -i.e. they give at 98 units of variation 
identical readings and share the distinct pattern. (Complete 
collation samples of two of these MSS in Jamens and 1Peter prove 
this striking feature even from the corrections in these MSS.) 
Another 15 MSS depart from that characteristic pattern only once, 
and another 10 only twice.   

>I repeat, I think _Text und Textwert_ is a *tremendous* 
>accomplishment.
>But it is *not* a sufficient manuscript classification tool.
>Probability theory makes this claim, and -- while I can't prove
>my statement otherwise -- unless firm COUNTERevidence can be
>offered, I will trust the mathematics.

There is no need to distrust the mathematics at this point. From 
T&T of the General epistles it is possible to classify most of the 
150 MSS that depart more than 10% from the Majority-text by means 
of grouping them. From the remaining 372 MSS roughly 18% could be 
settled by referrence to Kr. This, I would say, is indeed a 
tremendous accomplishment, especially when compared to von Soden. But, I never 
claimed T&T to be a sufficient manuscript classification tool. Exactly therefore 
I would like to compare the results drawn therefrom with the results drawn from 
other samples. 

>Now *that* surprises me. Not that 6 has a number of near-singular
>agreements with 1739 (since that is a statistic I keep), but
>that you could work through the data enough to find it.

>But that's just because of the way _Text und Textwert_ is 
>presented.
>Would you have discovered that fact if you had not been looking?

Well, after a few bad experiences as a novice, I developped a 
certain manner to work with T&T. Since the information are very 
condensed in only few statistics, one normally has to look at least 
twice at the _Hauptliste_. This is, as I am used to it, no major 
problem, if the parameters are clear. 

>The question -- which I do not claim to have the answer to -- is,
>"Was there ever a purer text behind family 2138?" This family, in
>the general epistles, is clearly distinct from the Byzantine text.

I do not have an answer to this question either. But it is 
interesting that Thomas of Harkel, who used in 616 AD a text very 
similar to family 2138 as Vorlage, chose one Greek MS for Acta and 
the General epistles, two for the Pauline Epistles and three for 
the Gospels. As far as I can see up to now, Thomas' text in the 
Pauline epistles tends to be slightly more Byzantine (as do 1505-1611-2495), but 
could by no means be called Byzantine. So may be this points to different dates 
the Byz. text of the various parts of NT developped. 

Another striking feature in the Harklensis Corpus Paulinum seems to be that 
Thomas' second MS he used did not display a more Byzantine text compared to the 
other Vorlage (1505-1611-2495), but a text that displays readings found in MSS 
like aleph B D F G 1739. If we take into consideration the goal for and the time 
in which the Harklensis was made, the whole thing becomes disturbing for a 
pro-Byzantine position. The Harklensis was made in 616 AD and designed to be an 
exact (!) translation from Greek MSS for the Syriac monophysite church to 
improve on and supersede the (Peshitta and) Philoxeniana in order to get an 
adequate referrence tool for theological debates with the main Greek speaking 
churches at that time. For this task good MSS had been chosen, presumably ones 
that reflected not only mere local texts, unless one presumes this local texts 
to be recognized (and spread) from Egypt to Syria and probably Byzanz too. But 
if so, then the label "local text" has to be applied to the Byz. text too, and 
explains virtually nothing with respect to an overall theory of textual 
transmission from a pro-Byz. viewpoint.   

Concerning the ending of Romans, Bob further wrote:

>I think that, if the fourteen chapter form circulated widely, it
>would explain the inclusion of the doxology after chapter 14. But >apparently 
the fourteen chapter form was not common.

I think it depends on how early the cross-contamination took place and what 
other evidence can be added. 
a.) The fourteen chapter form evidently was part of the pre-Marcionite 10 letter 
edition. There is evidence to this edition even outside Marcionite circles not 
only with respect to the shorter form of Romans, but also with respect to the 
distinct letter sequenzes.
b.) There are various other readings in Gal, 1.Cor, Eph, and 1.Thess, that the 
Marcionite text testifies to, which are found  exclusively either in the Old 
Latin ("Western"), or Old Syriac, or Alexandrian or Byzantine textual tradition. 
To one of these readings the "Western" text testifies by giving a conflate 
reading (Marcionite text on the one side and Alex. + Byz. texts on the other 
side), to another of these readings the Byz. text testifies by giving a conflate 
reading (Marcionite text + 3 minuscules on the one side and most of the Alex. 
witnesses on the other side).
c.) To conclude therefrom: The Marcionite text seems to antedate all our known 
text-types at least in their actual state of appearance. Since it seems to be 
more plausible to assume a pre-Marcionite text to have spread these readings, 
than the Marcionite text himself as a distinct _Marcionite_ entity, there is 
more evidence to a pre-Marcionite 10 letter edition that affected the rest of 
tradition.
d.) I agree with presupposing that the 14 chapter form of Romans once must have 
played a more prominent role, but I think, this has to be assessed within the 
conspectus of the pre-Marcionite 10 letter edition. This edition indeed must 
have played a prominent role, since some of its readings (including the doxology 
of Romans) are now to be found spread all over the textual tradition. But on the 
other hand, since Marcion himself charged others on the base of the 10 letter 
edition of having corrupted Pauls letters, and was charged the same by others 
mainly on the base of the 14 (13) letter edition, it is easily explanable why 
the 10 letter edition was singled out and no longer transmitted outside 
Marcionite circles.
Some remainders of that edition, nevertheless, survived within NT textual 
transmission (MSS, versions, patristic testimonies).  

[quoting Schmid Bob further wrote:]

>>Second, the patristic evidence only points to two larger, major
>> editions of the Corpus Paulinum: The 10 letter edition of
>>Marcion (which is to my mind of pre-Marcionite origin) and the >>canonical >14 
(13) letter edition, with the somehow ambigous role >>of Hebrews.

>I would agree, with one caveat: p46 apparently omitted the >Pastorals. So there 
may have been *three* editions.

I am really not shure on P46 omitting the Pastorals. The crucial point is that 
P46 apparently lacks 14 pages at the end, but the missing 2Thess and Pastorals 
would have required (cf. Kenyon) 23 pages. Kenyon assumes that P46 originally 
contained 2Thess but lacked the rest leaving the last 10 pages blank. Others 
think Philemon was originally contained too leaving the last 8 1/2 pages or so 
blank. Others opted for a shortened form of the Pastorals included. 
There are three points which to my mind have to be taken into consideration:
a.) For a single-quire codex as P46, due to its nature, one has to calculate the 
space required for the text _before_ starting to write.
b.) The stichoi numbers in P46 are somehow misleading (Eph, though longer than 
Gal, was counted as having 59 stichoi less than Gal).
c.) From the middle of the codex the numbers of letters per line and the numbers 
of lines per page tend to increase.

To conclude therefrom: P46 gives at least some evidence that there must have 
been initial miscalculation taken place. So, this MS cannot be used as firm 
evidence with respect to a third and different edition of Pauls letters.

Ulrich Schmid. Muenster






From majordom  Sun May  5 17:11:21 1996
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Can someone comment on the phrase in Acts 9.5-6

SKLHRON SOI PROS KENTRA LAKTIZEIN....KAI O KURIOS PROS AUTON

I'm currently teaching Acts in my SS class. I've noticed that many
commentators use this phrase to suggest an inward conviction of Paul prior
to his conversion. Since the "Standard" text (and translations thereof) does
not include the phrase, I am puzzled as to its history. What MS evidence is
there in support of it? Am I correct in assuming that since my UBS-4 does
not even address it, that the evidence for it is negligible?

Thank You

Mark E. Burrill
mburrill@vnet.net


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On Sun, 5 May 1996, mburrill@popmail3.vnet.net wrote:

>Can someone comment on the phrase in Acts 9.5-6
>
>SKLHRON SOI PROS KENTRA LAKTIZEIN....KAI O KURIOS PROS AUTON
>
>I'm currently teaching Acts in my SS class. I've noticed that many
>commentators use this phrase to suggest an inward conviction of Paul prior
>to his conversion. Since the "Standard" text (and translations thereof) does
>not include the phrase, I am puzzled as to its history. What MS evidence is
>there in support of it? Am I correct in assuming that since my UBS-4 does
>not even address it, that the evidence for it is negligible?
>

The evidence is slight, but not negligible. These words, or variations,
are found in E 431 629 gig h p t vg-am,bam,cav,sang*,val,CL syp syh** mae
geo. However, the position of the words varies widely.

Since D is defective here, it would seem that this is a "Western" reading.
(Notice that, of the three Greek witnesses to include the reading, two --
E and 629 -- are Greek-Latin diglots.)

The reason for the insertion is not hard to find: The words are
derived from the parallel in Acts 26:14.

I hope this helps.

Bob Waltz
waltzmn@skypoint.com



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>Since D is defective here, it would seem that this is a "Western" reading.
>(Notice that, of the three Greek witnesses to include the reading, two --
>E and 629 -- are Greek-Latin diglots.)
>
>The reason for the insertion is not hard to find: The words are
>derived from the parallel in Acts 26:14.
>
>I hope this helps.
>

It sure does. I had not even considered the parallel. It makes much more
sense now.

Mark


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From: Maurice Robinson <mrobinsn@mercury.interpath.com>
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On Sun, 5 May 1996, Mark E. Burrill wrote:

> SKLHRON SOI PROS KENTRA LAKTIZEIN....KAI O KURIOS PROS AUTON
> 
> Am I correct in assuming that since my UBS-4 does
> not even address it, that the evidence for it is negligible?

I agree with Bob Waltz that the evidence is not "negligible", since it 
does reflect a certain Western understanding of the text.  However, I 
also would be swift to point out that the inclusion of the phrase in 
Ac.9:5f is _not_ part of the Byzantine Textform, even though it is 
included in the various TR editions.

_________________________________________________________________________
Maurice A. Robinson, Ph.D.           Assoc. Prof./Greek and New Testament
Southeastern Baptist Theological Seminary     Wake Forest, North Carolina
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~


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The first two articles in TC: A Journal of Biblical Textual Criticism are 
now available (see below for URL).  The articles are:

James R. Adair, "Old and New in Textual Criticism: Similarities, 
Differences, and Prospects for Cooperation"

and

George Anton Kiraz, "Comparative Edition of the Syriac Gospels: Final 
Report and Announcement of Publication"

These articles are currently available in HTML format, although text, 
SGML, and Postscript versions will be available soon.  Abstracts for the 
articles are available, as is a message from the editor (me).  Just 
follow the links from the TC home page (which has also been updated).

More articles are on the way, as well as several book reviews, so stay 
tuned.  Once again, I invite the members of this list to submit articles 
for consideration by the journal's editorial board.

Jimmy Adair
General Editor of TC: A Journal of Biblical Textual Criticism
------> http://scholar.cc.emory.edu/scripts/TC/TC.html <-----


From majordom  Wed May  8 10:56:02 1996
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Date: 08 May 96 10:45:22 EDT
From: Mike  Arcieri <102147.2045@CompuServe.COM>
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As most of you know, TIME mag has published several articles re. Thiede and his
dating of the Matthew papyrus fragment (including one article in the last issue
of TIME, dated April 8). In the current issue (May 13), TIME has published a
letter from J. K. Elliott regarding this issue. For the benefit of fellow
TC-LISTers, here is Elliott's letter:

In your article on the search for Jesus, you stated that German scholar Carsten
Peter Thiede thinks a tiny papyrus fragment containing a couple of verses of the
Magdalen St. Matthew's Gospel could have been written around A.D. 70 by someone
who was an eyewitness to the events described (April 8). A 1st century date for
all four Gospels is now agreed upon by most scholars. Even if St. Matthew's
Gospel were written as early as Thiede suggests, this would tell us nothing
about the historical value or theological truth of its contents. A Gospel
written by an eyewitness or near contemporary need be no more trustworthy than a
later account. Your article correctly quoted me as making the above point, but
you inaccurately gave my last name as Lincoln. This error might indeed tell us
something about the historical value of contemporary reporting.

						J. Keith Elliott
						Dept. of Theology
						Univ. of Leeds

Mike A.


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It is clear that TC was becoming a recognized "force" in biblical text
criticism, even before the actual publication of our first volume.  I say
this because we have already received several batches of books for review.  At
the moment, Jimmy Adair, Johann Cook, Bill Petersen, and myself have books
to review.  As book review editor, I am now soliciting reviews from list
members.  We  are hoping to distinguish ourselves in rapid turn-around time
(reviews to be done within six weeks of receipt of book and published as
soon as
possible thereafter), as well as in the fact that reviewers are not bound
by space-constraints.  So, if you have interest in one of these volumes,
let me know as soon as possible.  They are all from SCHOLARS PRESS:

Jones, Barry Alan. THE FORMATION OF THE BOOK OF THE TWELVE: a study in text
and canon

Geer, Jr., Thomas C. FAMILY 1739 IN ACTS

Greenspoon, Leonard and Olivier Munnich, eds. VIII CONGRESS OF THE
INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATION FOR SEPTUAGINT AND COGNATE STUDIES PARIS 1992

Sollamo, Raija.  REPETITION OF THE POSSESSIVE PRONOUNDS IN THE SEPTUAGINT

Wevers, John W.  NOTES ON THE GREEK TEXT OF DEUTERONOMY

Gentry, Peter J.  THE ASTERISKED MATERIALS IN THE GREEK JOB

Jobes, Karen H.  THE ALPHA-TEXT OF ESTHER  ITS CHARACTER AND RELATIONSHIP
TO THE MASORETIC TEXT

I hope at least some of you are interested in at least one of these.  I
look forward to hearing from you and shipping all of these out, Leonard
Greenspoon



From majordom  Fri May 10 07:11:40 1996
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From: jwest@SunBelt.Net (Jim West)
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The MT seems to reflect a Vorlage which is shorter than LXX.  of Josh 20:3
(referring to the end of the verse, BHS note c).
Is this an example of the LXX tendency to harmonize (cf Nu 35:12); or does
the LXX reflect a genuinely "different" Vorlage?

Thanks,


Jim West


From majordom  Fri May 10 08:16:22 1996
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From: "Sipil{ Seppo" <SESIPILA@Teologi1.Helsinki.fi>
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Jim West wrote
> The MT seems to reflect a Vorlage which is shorter than LXX.  of Josh 20:3
> (referring to the end of the verse, BHS note c).
> Is this an example of the LXX tendency to harmonize (cf Nu 35:12); or does
> the LXX reflect a genuinely "different" Vorlage?
I would vote for the second alternative here. In chapter 20 the 
difference between the LXX and the MT is exceptionally large and if you take 
the whole chapter into account, it would be hard to explain the difference in any 
other way than assuming a Vorlage different from the present MT.

You may also like to consult prof. Graeme Auld's article
_Cities of Refuge in Israelite Tradition._ JSOT 10 (1978), 26-40.

Also, I do not believe that "LXX" in a sense of translation has 
a "tendency to harmonize" in Joshua. The translation is quite literal 
and seems to reflect its Vorlage well. If there is any harmonization 
it comes from the Hebrew Vorlage. One must carefully notice 
the difference between the concepts " Vorlage" and "translation". I 
personally think that we should use LXX only for the latter.


Hope this helps,


Seppo


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From: cook@maties.sun.ac.za
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> Received: from sunvax.sun.ac.za by maties4.sun.ac.za with smtp; Fri, 10 May 
> 96 13:18:27 +0200
> Received: from gabriel.cc.emory.edu by SUNVAX.SUN.AC.ZA with SMTP;
>           Fri, 10 May 1996 13:15:47 +0100 (WET-DST)
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> Subject: Joshua 20:3
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> 
> The MT seems to reflect a Vorlage which is shorter than LXX.  of Josh 20:3
> (referring to the end of the verse, BHS note c).
> Is this an example of the LXX tendency to harmonize (cf Nu 35:12); or does
> the LXX reflect a genuinely "different" Vorlage?
> 
> Thanks,
> 
> 
> Jim West

I suggest you read the article by A. Rofe "Joshua 20: Historico-Literary 
Criticism Illustrated" in JH Tigay (ed.), Empirical Methods of Biblical 
Criticism, Philadelphia 1985, pp. 131-147. 

Johann Cook
Acting head of the Dept of Ancient Near Eastern Studies
University of Stellenbosch
SOUTH AFRICA 
> 


From majordom  Tue May 21 12:34:26 1996
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Does anyone know of a TC text which incorporates both testaments?


Thanks,

Jim West


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On Tue, 21 May 1996, Jim West wrote:

> Does anyone know of a TC text which incorporates both testaments?

The American Bible Society just put out a volume that has BHS and Aland 27
together.  I believe you can get it from Eisenbrauns as well (and probably
CBD).  I forget the actual name, but I'm sure it won't be difficult to 
find.



andrew gross



From majordom  Tue May 21 13:25:06 1996
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The American Bible Society has the _Biblia Sacra: Utriusque Testamenti_
which is the _Biblica Hebraica Stuttgartensia_ bound with Nestle's _Novum
Testamentum Graece_ (27th ed.) It retails for around $59.95 (hardback). I've
had mine rebound in leather. You may contact the  American Bible Society at
1-800-32-BIBLE (phone orders) or fax at 1-212-408-8765

Kevin W. Woodruff
Reference Librarian
Cierpke Memorial Library
Temple Baptist Seminary
Tennessee Temple University
1815 Union Ave.
Chattanooga, TN 37404
423/493-4252
Cierpke@utc.campus.mci.net


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On Tue, 21 May 1996, Jim West wrote:

> Does anyone know of a TC text which incorporates both testaments?
> 
> Thanks,
> 
> Jim West

Jim

This is almost certainly not what you want, but Kenyon's "Text of the 
Greek Bible" studies the entire Bible in Greek.

But I suspect that what you want is a single volume does TC for the HS in 
Hebrew and the NT in Greek.  Given the radical difference in the problems 
in TC in the respective testaments, it seems very unlikely that a single 
volume could do justice to both topics.

Essentially what would be needed was a single book that combined both 
(say) Tov and Metzger.  Granted, there would be some reduction as the 
basic, definitional material wouldn't have to be repeated; but OTOH not 
much would be gained, as that non-topic specific material accounts for a 
small fraction of either book.

N

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From: Maurice Robinson <mrobinsn@mercury.interpath.com>
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On Tue, 21 May 1996, Kevin W. Woodruff wrote:

> The American Bible Society has the _Biblia Sacra: Utriusque Testamenti_
> which is the _Biblica Hebraica Stuttgartensia_ bound with Nestle's _Novum
> Testamentum Graece_ (27th ed.) It retails for around $59.95 (hardback). I've
> had mine rebound in leather. You may contact the  American Bible Society at
> 1-800-32-BIBLE (phone orders) or fax at 1-212-408-8765

Since our seminary requires a year of both Greek and Hebrew, all of us 
who teach the languages have decided to require this one volume instead 
of making the students buy N27 and BHS separately.  It is convenient, 
handy, and saves in overall cost as well.  It may not be the textual 
criticism dual text which Jim West enquired about, but it provides the 
basic OT and NT data upon which to build such a study.

I don't know about paying to get it rebound in leather, but I would like 
to offer a strong suggestion to the UBS that they consider moving to a 
far better binding for this volume as well as for the separate N27 and 
BHS editions.  The poor quality of the current bindings deteriorates 
fairly quickly with constant use.  Some lessons might be well learned 
from the major hardback publishers in this regard -- quality binding does 
not require that much more added cost (unless of course the poor quality 
binding is deliberate, to ensure planned obsolescence).

_________________________________________________________________________
Maurice A. Robinson, Ph.D.           Assoc. Prof./Greek and New Testament
Southeastern Baptist Theological Seminary     Wake Forest, North Carolina
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

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******************************************************************************
General Information about the List
******************************************************************************
tc-list: a discussion list of biblical textual criticism

This list is loosely associated with the new electronic journal _TC:
A Journal of Biblical Textual Criticism_, and it is intended for a
discussion of any matters relating to biblical textual criticism, broadly
defined.  The rationale for the creation of the TC journal is given below.
It is hoped that subscribers to the tc-list will reflect on and respond to
material from articles in TC, will deal with issues that arise in the
context of text-critical study in the community of biblical scholars at
large, and will use the list to suggest new ideas and methodologies.
Notes on any aspect of the textual criticism of the Jewish and Christian
scriptures (including extracanonical and related literature) are welcome,
and threads that transcend the traditional boundary between textual
criticism of the Hebrew Bible/Old Testament and New Testament textual
criticism are especially encouraged.  We would also like to see threads
that discuss the relationship between textual criticism and other
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*****************************************************************************
TC: A Journal of Biblical Textual Criticism
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One of the benefits of increasingly widespread Internet access is the
ease with which scholars in a particular field can communicate with one
another.  Although the sciences have dominated the electronic journal
field up until this point, several journals in the humanities are now
available online.  TC follows in the (brief) tradition of the Journal of
Buddhist Ethics, the International Journal of Tantric Studies, and the 
Electronic Journal of Vedic Studies.  As far as we are aware, TC is the 
first Web journal in the area of biblical studies.

Why "biblical" textual criticism (rather than t-c of the NT or the Hebrew
Bible/OT)?  It is time for textual critics in the two camps to communicate
more with one another.  Textual critics in one field can only benefit by
hearing what those in the other field have to say.  The journal will
accept papers dealing with any aspect of textual criticism of the
OT/Hebrew Bible or NT, and it especially encourages "crossover"
papers that deal with both areas.  Papers dealing either with specific
cruxes or with larger issues (methodology, use of versional evidence,
etc.) are welcome.  Brief notes or full-length articles are equally
acceptable.

Why an electronic journal?  The fact of the matter is that printing a
journal costs a lot of money (especially with recent increases in paper
prices).  In addition, it is debatable whether the field of textual
criticism could generate a large enough base to support a paper journal.
There are technical difficulties with displaying non-Latin characters
that will have to be addressed, but these difficulties can be overcome.
With an electronic journal, scholars and students around the world can
have free access to one or another form of the journal, either via the
World Wide Web, FTP, or e-mail.

TC is now in the early stages of implementation (our first articles are
now ready!), and we are looking for articles.  Please submit your articles
in electronic form to: 

        Jimmy Adair
        Scholars Press
        P.O. Box 15399
        Atlanta, GA   30333-0399
        USA

You are also welcome to send articles via e-mail to
jadair@scholar.cc.emory.edu, or you may upload your articles directly to
our FTP site at ftp://scholar.cc.emory.edu/uploads/TC.

TC has a home page on TELA, the Scholars Press World Wide Web site
(http://scholar.cc.emory.edu/scripts/TC/TC.html), and interested parties
can look at this page for announcements.  We look forward to your
participation in TC and tc-list! 

The list-owner of tc-list is Jimmy Adair (jadair@scholar.cc.emory.edu).


From majordom  Wed May 22 14:51:38 1996
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From: "Larry W. Hurtado" <hurtado@cc.UManitoba.CA>
To: TC-List <tc-list@scholar.cc.emory.edu>
Subject: Adair article
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Yesterday I read Jimmy Adair's new article in TC and I want to commend it 
to others.  It is a very helpful survey of the commonalities and 
distinctives of NT and OT textual criticism.  I myself can recall an 
e-mail exchange with a younger OT scholar about the term "eclectic" 
text.  For him an "eclectic" edition meant anything other than printing a 
single ms and giving an apparatus.  For me, as a NT text-critic, 
"eclectic" refers to the approach/method that might be used in 
constructing a critical edition, and for me a critical edition is not the 
same thing as a diplomatic edition.  In that light, the Biblia 
Stuttgartensia is a printed edition with a critical apparatus, and not a 
critical edition of the OT, at least not a "critical edition" as we would 
use the term in NT textual criticism, not an edition where at each 
variation unit the editors put into the main printed text the reading 
they think most likely to be "original" or earliest.

Larry Hurtado, Religion, Univ. of Manitoba 

From majordom  Tue May 28 16:15:44 1996
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Subject: The "Alexandrian" Text
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Dear TCers,

Since this list has been quiet of late, it's probably time to spark a little
controversy. What follows is deliberate textual heresy. I do not necessarily
hold to the views expressed below. But I think them worth considering.

Today's Subject: Textual Theory in the Gospels

Eldon Epp has pointed out several times (see, e.g., "The Twentieth-Century
Interval in Textual Criticism") that there has been no major advance in
textual theory since Westcott and Hort.

This statement is too broad; we have seen real progress in Paul (Zuntz; also,
IMHO, me :-) ), in the Catholics (Duplacy), and in the Apocalypse (Schmidt).
In all three areas, the scholars isolated text-types not found in the WH
system. There is also major work being done on Acts (though I don't know the
status of that).

But in the gospels -- nothing. Gathering of data, yes (see the IGNTP). But
theoretical advances -- not really. We are still working with the text-types
of Westcott and Hort, which in fact go back to Griesbach. (The fact that
we now call this text "Alexandrian," after Griesbach, rather than "Neutral,"
after WH, does NOT count!)

Since WH, there have been a number of attempts at theoretical breakthroughs.
We have seen the rise -- and more recently the decline -- of the "Caesarean"
text. We have seen an attempt to define a "Syriac" text. We have seen the
"Western" text under attack. We have seen many efforts to clarify the history
and nature of the Byzantine text (the most ambitious effort along these lines
has been the development of the Claremont Profile Method).

Every one of these attempts has been reasonable -- but has borne limited
fruit. The methods Streeter and others used to define the "Caesarean" text
(divergences from the TR) was clearly inadequate. So was their attempt to take
anything not nailed down and include it in the "Caesarean" group. (If you look
at Streeter's list of Caesarean witnesses, it includes nearly every uncial not
in the Kx family!)

More recently, Hurtado has shown that, if there is a Caesarean text, it has no
"core witness." But no one ever claimed that there was such a core witness
(except in part of Mark, where Streeter thought W was a core witness. He was,
of course, wrong).

Still, there *is* something about the witnesses Theta, 565, family 1, family
13, arm, geo. They *do* have a fairly strong rate of agreement where they are
not Byzantine. Is it a text-type? For now the matter is open.

Similarly in the case of the "Western" text. Kurt Aland has questioned its
very existence. And with some justification. In the gospels, there is only
*one* "Western" witness in Greek. That one, obviously, being Codex Bezae.

But Bezae is problematic. There can be no question but that it has been
edited. This is *proved* by the fact that Luke's genealogy of Jesus is
replaced by Matthew's. (This reading, be it noted, is not shared by any of the
Latins except d.)

It may be that this is the only deliberate alteration in D. But that seems
improbable. So D's value as a "Western" witness must be considered diminished.

Still, there does appear to be a "Western" text-type; the Latin witnesses have
too many common readings not found in the Greek. Codex Bezae supports this
type; we just cannot trust it unless it has strong Old Latin support.

But while the "Caesarean" and "Western" texts have been coming and going, we
continue to accept, almost without thinking, the WH definition of the
Alexandrian text as "the agreement between B and Aleph."

Why is this? What proof do we have that B and Aleph belong to a common text-
type? They *do not* in Paul (Zuntz). Their relationship in the Catholics is
questionable. Even within Duplacy's "Alexandrian" text (B Aleph A 33 etc.,
excluding C-1241-family 1739), we see several subgroups: p72-B, A-33-436-81
(my work this time). Aleph stands alone. In LXX we see some similarity between
B and Aleph (they go together in Jeremiah, for instance), but there is still
considerable distance between them.

Long ago, Hoskier found (I believe it was) over 6000 differences between B and
Aleph. Most are trivial, and many of the remainder are in the early part of
John (where Aleph is accused of having a "Western" text). But many are
substantial, and not all are in John.

That there is a group centered around B is clear. We all know that p75 stands
very close to B. (It is interesting to note that, based on my results, B is
the closest uncial relative of every major papyrus manuscript: p13, p46, p66,
p72, p75, *and* p45!) It's not mentioned as often, but T stands almost as
close to B as does p75. The Sahidic Coptic also falls with this group. 2427,
wherever it came from, clearly belongs with B. And while L has a lot of
Byzantine readings, where it is non-Byzantine it generally sides with B rather
than Aleph. So too with X (though there the Byzantine element is
extraordinarily large.)

So there is a family B. The question is, is Aleph a more distant member of
this family, or does it belong with a family of its own?

It would appear to belong with its own family. Z clearly goes with Aleph.
Delta (in Mark, where it has the greatest value) is closer to Aleph. So is 579
(especially in Mark). The Bohairic Coptic, unlike the Sahidic, is as close to
Aleph as to B.

So we have two families: Family B and Family Aleph. Could they belong to the
same text-type? Certainly -- but we find the same situation in Paul, and there
the two do *not* belong together.

Conclusions, anyone?

Just to give people some grist to work with, here are some comparison tables
for witnesses with strong Alexandrian elements. (Note: The results are based
on my own sample of 990 readings. Other samples would, of course, give
different numbers, though the relationships between the manuscripts would
probably not change much. This sample, since it includes many of the readings
found in UBS/GNT, is biased toward places where p75 and B disagree. I don't
claim that this is a perfect sample, but it's a start.)

MS            Agreements with B                  Agreements with Aleph
      Overall Non-Byzantine Near-singular  Overall Non-Byzantine Near-singular
p66     57%        74%           75          49%        77%           18
p75     83%        90%           57          58%        79%           21
Aleph   60%        77%          114         100%       100%          253
B      100%       100%          279          60%        77%          114
C       49%        75%           26          52%        76%           20
L       61%        80%           67          59%        78%           48
T       88%        90%            6          45%        76%            1
X       39%        67%           11          40%        59%            6
Z       55%        74%            8          73%        81%           11
Delta
 (Mark) 62%        73%            4          64%        78%           10
Psi
 (Mark) 76%        86%            5          69%        85%            3
070     66%        82%           10          63%        84%            6
33      48%        71%           29          50%        70%           30
579     45%        67%           21          49%        73%           26
892     48%        75%           32          52%        76%           32
1241
 (Luke) 58%        82%           13          59%        82%            6
2427    89%        94%           17          68%        78%            6
sa      65%        82%          111          57%        76%           78
bo      60%        77%           70          61%        77%           67

Bob Waltz
waltzmn@skypoint.com



From majordom  Tue May 28 18:22:05 1996
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From: "Larry W. Hurtado" <hurtado@cc.UManitoba.CA>
To: tc-list@scholar.cc.emory.edu
Subject: Re: The "Alexandrian" Text
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A quick response to Robert Walz.  First, as Colwell pointed out some time 
ago, the relationship of mss has to be examined *book by book*, in some 
cases, even chapter by chapter.  Aleph & B do *not* of course agree at a 
constant level across the NT, for example. As Fee showed, there is even 
marked variation in their agreement within the Gospel of John.  This 
"block mixture" of mss is more frequent than might be imagined, but only 
careful collation practices & methods can detect it.
	So, the varying level of agreement of Aleph & B is not a basis 
for posing (only?) two text-types.  
	Second, discussion of "text-types" raises the question of what we 
mean.  Here I recommend *strongly* Epp's essay on "The Significance of 
the Papyri . . . A Dynamic View of Textual Transmission," in the Epp/Fee 
volume, _Studies in the Theory & Method of NT Textual Criticism_ (pp. 
274ff.).
	Third, Epp's famous "Interlude" essay did not assert no 
significant steps had been made, but rather that in the realm of *textual 
theory*, esp. in our grasp of the major history of the text, we had made 
surprisingly little agreed-upon progress.  Epp refers to Aland's work, to 
Zuntz's justly important work on the epistles, etc.  

Larry Hurtado, Religion, Univ. of Manitoba 

From majordom  Tue May 28 19:45:40 1996
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I was going to see how this discussion developed, but I guess I need to
clarify something.

First, off, note that I was not saying that B and Aleph *did not*
belong to the same text-type. I was simply saying that we must
not *assume* that. Now on to the message I was responding to.

On Tue, 28 May 1996, "Larry W. Hurtado" <hurtado@cc.UManitoba.CA>

>A quick response to Robert Walz.  First, as Colwell pointed out some time
>ago, the relationship of mss has to be examined *book by book*, in some
>cases, even chapter by chapter.

I would say rather that we must be *prepared to* examine them book by
book or chapter by chapter. Manuscripts that clearly need this include
L, W, Delta, Psi, 579, etc. -- all marked by block mixture or (in the
case of L and probably 579) a much heavier degree of correction in the
earlier books than in the latter.

You'll note that, in my table of manuscript statistics, I cited
several manuscripts only for particular books.

But for manuscripts that do not show such mixture, we can do overall
comparisons. What's more, for such manuscripts, overall comparison
is *more* accurate because it allows us to examine more readings.

Besides, would anyone want to have seen all the results for every
individual books?

>Aleph & B do *not* of course agree at a
>constant level across the NT, for example. As Fee showed, there is even
>marked variation in their agreement within the Gospel of John.

True. But not relevant to the thesis. If Aleph is "Western" in the
early part of John (a fact which I alluded to), that has no effect on
the question of whether there is an "Aleph-text" or not.

>This
>"block mixture" of mss is more frequent than might be imagined, but only
>careful collation practices & methods can detect it.

I question this. I think most changes in textual complexion are the
result of correctors being more or less diligent. Take, for instance,
L. In the first part of Matthew it is mostly Byzantine. Does this mean
that part of L was copied from a Byzantine manuscript and the rest
from an Alexandrian? I think not. Far more likely that the ancestor
of L was heavily and carefully corrected in Matthew and much more
sporadically corrected elsewhere.

Since I'm a mathematician, I'm going to hit you all with statistics.
Taking Wisse's CPM evaluation of 1385 gospel manuscripts, we find
335, or 24%, displaying mixture. However -- and this is a *big*
however -- only *nine* manuscripts (W Xi Psi 157 565 700 884 1342
2542), or less than one percent, show a *significant* shift in
affiliation (from Alexandrian to Byzantine, for instance). 25 other
manuscripts (e.g. C Theta 1071) are "mixed," and so *might* contain
block mixture. The rest of the manuscripts show no major change in
textual complexion; they either show shifts within the Byzantine
tradition or no shift at all.

>	So, the varying level of agreement of Aleph & B is not a basis
>for posing (only?) two text-types.

I may be dense, but I fail to see what that has to do with my argument.
I am simply stating that the two *are* different. The question is,
do they belonf to the same text-type? Or, more correctly, do the texts of
family B and family Aleph (which are *not* the same as the texts of
B and Aleph, any more than the text of family 13 is identical to 13)
belong to the same family.

>	Second, discussion of "text-types" raises the question of what we
>mean.  Here I recommend *strongly* Epp's essay on "The Significance of
>the Papyri . . . A Dynamic View of Textual Transmission," in the Epp/Fee
>volume, _Studies in the Theory & Method of NT Textual Criticism_ (pp.
>274ff.).

What do you think started me thinking along these lines? :-)

I am not entirely fond of Epp's "trajectory" analogy. But as someone who
has spent most of his life dealing with evolutionary processes (folk
music, "genetic" type phenomena, even computer programming), I firmly
believe in a dynamic view of textual history.

B and Aleph represent stages in the evolution of the text. If they
belong to the same text-type, then their texts continued to interact
until a time very close to their copying. If not, then there is a
point much further back at which they divided. Which really happened?
To date, no one has offered an answer.

>	Third, Epp's famous "Interlude" essay did not assert no
>significant steps had been made, but rather that in the realm of *textual
>theory*, esp. in our grasp of the major history of the text, we had made
>surprisingly little agreed-upon progress.  Epp refers to Aland's work, to
>Zuntz's justly important work on the epistles, etc.

This is exactly what I said. In the twentieth century, we have gathered
vast amounts of data. Zuntz gave us a major breakthrough in the textual
theory of Paul (though his results do not seem to have gotten through
to the UBS committee). Duplacy, if I understand the results in
Vaganay/Amphoux, has laid the groundwork for similar progress in the
Catholics.

But in the gospels, we have the CPM and nothing more. We're still
talking about "Western" and "Alexandrian" texts, and the "Alexandrian"
text is the same as it was in Hort's day.

I don't say Hort was wrong. I don't know. He may have been absolutely
right. I just think we need to examine the matter, not take it as --
ahem! -- gospel.

Bob Waltz
waltzmn@skypoint.com



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On Tue, 28 May 1996, Robert B. Waltz wrote:

>...we have seen real progress in Paul (Zuntz; also, IMHO, me :-) >), in the 
Catholics (Duplacy), and in the Apocalypse (Schmidt).
>In all three areas, the scholars isolated text-types not found in >the WH 
system. There is also major work being done on Acts (though >I don't know the 
status of that).

>But in the gospels -- nothing. Gathering of data, yes (see the >IGNTP). But 
theoretical advances -- not really. We are still >working with the text-types
>of Westcott and Hort, which in fact go back to Griesbach. 

a.) When working on the textual transmission of the Gospels one is struck by the 
tremendous amount of data: MORE THAN 2300 MSS with Gospel text are known up to 
now (Corpus Paulinum some 780 MSS, Acts + Catholics some 650 MSS, Revelation 
"only" 287 MSS).

b.) Another striking feature within the Gospels, at least within the Synoptics, 
is the well known fact of "assimilation". Not only the Byz text testifies to it 
(cf. Wisselink) but virtually every MS is somehow affected by this tendency. 
Therefore a great deal of variation within the textual transmission of the 
Synoptics might be due to a tendency that independently produced partially 
identical text-type alignments with no "real" text-type relation underlying. Or, 
looking at this from the other side, the tendency towards assimilation might 
weaken "real" text-type relations, for some of the MSS originally belonging 
together may independently desert in some readings while retaining others.  

The combination of a.) and b.) might explain some of the problems "theoretical 
advances" in the Gospels have to handle. Therefore, "gathering of data" might 
not be inappropriate.

Bob further wrote:

>Long ago, Hoskier found (I believe it was) over 6000 differences >between B and 
Aleph. Most are trivial, and many of the remainder >are in the early part of 
John (where Aleph is accused of having a >"Western" text). But many are 
substantial, and not all are in >John. 

Hoskier (Codex B and its Allies, Part II, 1914) found 3036 differences between B 
and aleph (656 in Matt., 567 in Mark, 791 in Luke, 1022 in John).  
To assess the validity of Hoskiers's samples is not easy (I know that Streeter 
was not impressed). But the least one can say from a first look is:
a.) Hoskier includes not very few near-singulars of either B or aleph, which are 
in fact singulars to my mind -some of them are found only in one patristic 
writer, others only in one version. A very telling example is the randomly 
choosen "difference" at Matt. 16,17: ALLA hO PATHR aleph + sahidic + bohairic 
versus ALL hO PATHR B and the rest. 
b.) Most of the only-versional-support singulars, even if more than one version 
is involved, are of no value, since very often there are Greek composits or 
different tempora involved. 
c.) Quite a lot of the "differences" are only textual trivia mostly due to 
assimilation.

To be shure, Hoskier pointed out differences between B and aleph, but to what do 
they give conclusive or even probable evidence?

On Tue, 28 May 1996, Bob wrote in his second post:

>I think most changes in textual complexion are the
>result of correctors being more or less diligent. Take, for >instance, L. In 
the first part of Matthew it is mostly Byzantine. >Does this mean that part of L 
was copied from a Byzantine >manuscript and the rest from an Alexandrian? I 
think not. Far more >likely that the ancestor of L was heavily and carefully 
corrected >in Matthew and much more sporadically corrected elsewhere.

a.) From the manuscript tradition it is obvious that all of the Papyri, most of 
the uncials and quite a lot minuscules are mutilated at the beginning and/or the 
end due to mechanical break off. 
b.) The MSS 206 429 522 614 630 1292 1890 2200 2412 related to the 
Harklensis-Vorlage (1505-1611-2138-2495) in the General Epistles give ample 
evidence that the slightly changing textual character of these MSS compared to 
the Harklensis-Vorlage takes place in the last three of the epistles, where most 
of them desert. 

To conclude from the presented evidence: "More or less diligent correctors" may 
also be found within manuscript tradition, but exhaustive evidence points to 
mechanical corruption and restoration when dealing with changing textual 
character within one and the same manuscript, at least at its beginning and/or 
end (L being a perfect example of this feature). 

Ulrich Schmid, Muenster








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On Tue, 28 May 1996, Larry W. Hurtado wrote:

> Second, discussion of "text-types" raises the question of what we >mean. Here 
I recommend *strongly* Epp's essay on "The Significance >of the Papyri...A 
Dynamic View of Textual Transmission," in the >Epp/Fee volume, _Studies in the 
Theory & Method of NT Textual >Criticism_ (pp. 274ff.).

Epp identifies in this essay three text-types being in existence already in the 
second century: a "B" text-type (P75 + B as nucleus), a "C" text-type (P45 + W 
only in Mark), and a "D" text-type (P29, P48, P38, 071, and perhaps P69 + D). 
"(T)hese concentrations or lines of trajectory identify clusters that in turn 
differentiate themselves sufficiently from other clusters" (p. 297).  
In defining a cluster or text-type Epp refers to Colwells famous quantitative 
definition ("A text-type is a group of manuscripts that agree more than 70 
percent of the time and is seperated by a gap od about 10 percent from its 
neighbors."), and in the case of highly fragmentary MSS to the Alands' 
principle: "If a fragment preserves a passage where there is any variation in 
the tradition, it is quite sufficient to signal the textual character of the 
whole manuscript."

With these essentials in mind I may shortly assess Epp's text-types "C" and "D".

a.) Text-type "C" (P45 + W): "Yet the affinity of variations-units between P45 
and W in Mark virtually reaches the seventy percent mark (68,9%)" (Epp, p. 292). 
In my words: ...shortly MISSES the seventy percent mark. What do definitions 
serve for, if they are not taken serious?
b.) Text-type "D" (P29, P48, P38, 0171, and perhaps P69 + D): These are all, 
save for D, fragments, and certainly 0171 and P69 desert from the D-text of Luke 
approximately as often as they testify to it. The handeling of fragments when 
establishing text-type relations is an open question to my mind.

Therefore, I must confess, I am not very much impressed by these results. More 
arguments could be adduced, but I will leave it for now.

Ulrich Schmid, Muenster




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When we upgraded our operating system on Wednesday, this message to the 
list didn't get delivered, so I'm forwarding it now to the list.  Those 
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From: schmiul@uni-muenster.de
Subject: Re: "Alexandrian" Text

On Tue, 28 May 1996, Larry W. Hurtado wrote:

> Second, discussion of "text-types" raises the question of what we >mean. Here 
I recommend *strongly* Epp's essay on "The Significance >of the Papyri...A 
Dynamic View of Textual Transmission," in the >Epp/Fee volume, _Studies in the 
Theory & Method of NT Textual >Criticism_ (pp. 274ff.).

Epp identifies in this essay three text-types being in existence already in the 
second century: a "B" text-type (P75 + B as nucleus), a "C" text-type (P45 + W 
only in Mark), and a "D" text-type (P29, P48, P38, 071, and perhaps P69 + D). 
"(T)hese concentrations or lines of trajectory identify clusters that in turn 
differentiate themselves sufficiently from other clusters" (p. 297).  
In defining a cluster or text-type Epp refers to Colwells famous quantitative 
definition ("A text-type is a group of manuscripts that agree more than 70 
percent of the time and is seperated by a gap od about 10 percent from its 
neighbors."), and in the case of highly fragmentary MSS to the Alands' 
principle: "If a fragment preserves a passage where there is any variation in 
the tradition, it is quite sufficient to signal the textual character of the 
whole manuscript."

With these essentials in mind I may shortly assess Epp's text-types "C" and "D".

a.) Text-type "C" (P45 + W): "Yet the affinity of variations-units between P45 
and W in Mark virtually reaches the seventy percent mark (68,9%)" (Epp, p. 292). 
In my words: ...shortly MISSES the seventy percent mark. What do definitions 
serve for, if they are not taken serious?
b.) Text-type "D" (P29, P48, P38, 0171, and perhaps P69 + D): These are all, 
save for D, fragments, and certainly 0171 and P69 desert from the D-text of Luke 
approximately as often as they testify to it. The handeling of fragments when 
establishing text-type relations is an open question to my mind.

Therefore, I must confess, I am not very much impressed by these results. More 
arguments could be adduced, but I will leave it for now.

Ulrich Schmid, Muenster






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On Wed, 29 May 96, schmiul@uni-muenster.de (Ulrich Schmid)

>
>a.) When working on the textual transmission of the Gospels one is struck
>by the
>tremendous amount of data: MORE THAN 2300 MSS with Gospel text are known up to
>now (Corpus Paulinum some 780 MSS, Acts + Catholics some 650 MSS, Revelation
>"only" 287 MSS).
>
>b.) Another striking feature within the Gospels, at least within the
>Synoptics,
>is the well known fact of "assimilation". Not only the Byz text testifies
>to it
>(cf. Wisselink) but virtually every MS is somehow affected by this tendency.
>Therefore a great deal of variation within the textual transmission of the
>Synoptics might be due to a tendency that independently produced partially
>identical text-type alignments with no "real" text-type relation
>underlying. Or,
>looking at this from the other side, the tendency towards assimilation might
>weaken "real" text-type relations, for some of the MSS originally belonging
>together may independently desert in some readings while retaining others.
>
>The combination of a.) and b.) might explain some of the problems "theoretical
>advances" in the Gospels have to handle. Therefore, "gathering of data" might
>not be inappropriate.

Agreed -- but now the data has been gathered -- both by the Institute at Munster
and by the IGNTP staff (as represented by Wisse and the CPM).

I can't help but think that, now that that data has been gathered, the situation
in the Gospels is actually *easier* than in the epistles. Simply because so much
of the data can be set aside.

Consider Paul: A good solid text of Paul should be based on, at minimum, some
23 minuscules (and more would be better):

6 33 81 104 256 330 365 424** 436 451 629 630 1175 1319 1505 1506 1611 1739
1881 1962 2127 2464 2492

If I could, I would add 69 88 263 323 326 1852 1908 1912 2495 and probably
others.

And of this list, at least three -- 33 1506 1739 -- deserve as much weight
as the
old uncials. Several more -- e.g. 81 1175 2127 -- are almost as good. Still
more --
e.g. 330-451-2492 and 1505-1611-2495-syh -- represent texts which are largerly
Byzantine but still preserve elements not found in the more important
manuscripts.

That's a lot of manuscripts to work with. And we also need some Byzantine
representatives.

In the Gospels, of course, we have many more uncials. But the list of valuable
minuscules is, if anything, *shorter*. There are, of course, the members of
family 1 and family 13. (If Wisse is to be trusted, we should also probably
define a family 22). Beyond this, the list of minuscules showing anything other
than a simple Byzantine text (based on a hasty check of Wisse) is short:

28 33 47 67 149 157 160 173 176 179 213 372 377 382 399 427 472 508 563 565
574 579 683 695 700 713 792 799 844? 851 892 903 1013 1048 1061 1071 1093 1166
1171 1215 1217 1230 1241 1253 1273 1282 1289 1299 1325? 1330 1331 1337 1342
1364 1443 1542 1573 1574 1604 1641 1647 1670 1682 1692 1697 1714 1797 1823 2095
2178 2405 2430 2525 2533 2546 2561 2643 2665 2680 2747 2757

Of these, only 33 157 372? 565 579 700 892 1071 1093? 1241 1273? 1342
appear to have substantial value for criticism. And even these are of much
less value than the old uncials. Most of the pther manuscripts listed appear
to be Byzantine texts that do not happen to fall into one of Wisse's groups.
Even allowing for the fact that other minuscules (e.g. 2427) will emerge in
other books or chapters, it would appear that the basis for work in the
gospels is *less* in the Gospels than in, say, Paul.

>Bob further wrote:
>
>>Long ago, Hoskier found (I believe it was) over 6000 differences >between
>>B and
>Aleph. Most are trivial, and many of the remainder >are in the early part of
>John (where Aleph is accused of having a >"Western" text). But many are
>substantial, and not all are in >John.
>
>Hoskier (Codex B and its Allies, Part II, 1914) found 3036 differences
>between B
>and aleph (656 in Matt., 567 in Mark, 791 in Luke, 1022 in John).

Oops. My apologies for the mistake. But the fact that I multiplied by two in
my head does not materially affect the arguement.

>To assess the validity of Hoskiers's samples is not easy (I know that Streeter
>was not impressed). But the least one can say from a first look is:
>a.) Hoskier includes not very few near-singulars of either B or aleph,
>which are
>in fact singulars to my mind -some of them are found only in one patristic
>writer, others only in one version. A very telling example is the randomly
>choosen "difference" at Matt. 16,17: ALLA hO PATHR aleph + sahidic + bohairic
>versus ALL hO PATHR B and the rest.

I'll certainly agree that that is a trivial difference! And I know that Hoskier
has a bad tendency to overstate the case (the introduction to "Codex B and its
Allies" reads like something Burgon might have written).

>b.) Most of the only-versional-support singulars, even if more than one
>version
>is involved, are of no value, since very often there are Greek composits or
>different tempora involved.
>c.) Quite a lot of the "differences" are only textual trivia mostly due to
>assimilation.

Agreed on both counts.

>To be shure, Hoskier pointed out differences between B and aleph, but to
>what do
>they give conclusive or even probable evidence?

If I knew the answer, I would not be posing the question. :-)

The number of differences between B and Aleph is not really the point. The point
is that there are several witnesses tightly clustered around B (including p75 T
sahidic). There are also witnesses clustered (rather more loosely) around Aleph.

We tend to speak of only two levels of textual groupings: families and
text-types.
But there are intermediate levels (I think the term "tribes" has been used).
I think the existence of a "B tribe" can be accepted without question. There
may well be an "Aleph tribe" as well. But are these tribes members of the same
text-type? The question is not being addressed.

>On Tue, 28 May 1996, Bob wrote in his second post:
>
>>I think most changes in textual complexion are the
>>result of correctors being more or less diligent. Take, for >instance, L. In
>the first part of Matthew it is mostly Byzantine. >Does this mean that
>part of L
>was copied from a Byzantine >manuscript and the rest from an Alexandrian? I
>think not. Far more >likely that the ancestor of L was heavily and carefully
>corrected >in Matthew and much more sporadically corrected elsewhere.
>
>a.) From the manuscript tradition it is obvious that all of the Papyri,
>most of
>the uncials and quite a lot minuscules are mutilated at the beginning
>and/or the
>end due to mechanical break off.
>b.) The MSS 206 429 522 614 630 1292 1890 2200 2412 related to the
>Harklensis-Vorlage (1505-1611-2138-2495) in the General Epistles give ample
>evidence that the slightly changing textual character of these MSS compared to
>the Harklensis-Vorlage takes place in the last three of the epistles,
>where most
>of them desert.

Agreed in part. Certainly I agree that the beginnings and ends of
manuscripts were
most liable to destruction. And this *does* affect manuscript relationships.
You cite 206. The reason it deserts family 2138 is that the later books are
from another hand. This also explains why 33 is Byzantine in Romans and
Alexandrian
in the rest of Paul: Romans comes from another hand.

But there are examples that, at least arguable, go the other way. Consider 323.
In James it is primarily Byzantine (in my sample, 66%). In 1 and 2 Peter it
moves toward family 1739; it's exactly 50% Byzantine. And in 1 John-Jude it
is a strong family 1739 text, with only about 35% Byzantine readings (about the
same percentage as 1739 itself).

>To conclude from the presented evidence: "More or less diligent
>correctors" may
>also be found within manuscript tradition, but exhaustive evidence points to
>mechanical corruption and restoration when dealing with changing textual
>character within one and the same manuscript, at least at its beginning and/or
>end (L being a perfect example of this feature).

I would simply say that we cannot assume one solution or the other. The
essential fact that I am stating is that very few manuscripts seem to
derive readings from more than two sources, one of them usually being
Byzantine. There are exceptions (W is the obvious example; another is
630, which goes with family 1739 in Acts and Romans-Galatians, is
Byzantine in Ephesians-Hebrews, and goes with family 2138 in the
Catholics), but they are few.

And I must admit that I've forgotten what this has to do with the internal
relations of the Alexandrian text of the gospels. So I will spare you
any further conclusions. :-)

Bob Waltz
waltzmn@skypoint.com




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On or about Wed, 29 May 1996, schmiul@uni-muenster.de wrote:

>On Tue, 28 May 1996, Larry W. Hurtado wrote:
>
>> Second, discussion of "text-types" raises the question of what we >mean.
>>Here
>I recommend *strongly* Epp's essay on "The Significance >of the Papyri...A
>Dynamic View of Textual Transmission," in the >Epp/Fee volume, _Studies in the
>Theory & Method of NT Textual >Criticism_ (pp. 274ff.).
>
>Epp identifies in this essay three text-types being in existence already
>in the
>second century: a "B" text-type (P75 + B as nucleus), a "C" text-type (P45 + W
>only in Mark), and a "D" text-type (P29, P48, P38, 071, and perhaps P69 + D).
>"(T)hese concentrations or lines of trajectory identify clusters that in turn
>differentiate themselves sufficiently from other clusters" (p. 297).
>In defining a cluster or text-type Epp refers to Colwells famous quantitative
>definition ("A text-type is a group of manuscripts that agree more than 70
>percent of the time and is seperated by a gap od about 10 percent from its
>neighbors."), and in the case of highly fragmentary MSS to the Alands'
>principle: "If a fragment preserves a passage where there is any variation in
>the tradition, it is quite sufficient to signal the textual character of the
>whole manuscript."
>
>With these essentials in mind I may shortly assess Epp's text-types "C"
>and "D".
>
>a.) Text-type "C" (P45 + W): "Yet the affinity of variations-units between P45
>and W in Mark virtually reaches the seventy percent mark (68,9%)" (Epp, p.
>292).
>In my words: ...shortly MISSES the seventy percent mark. What do definitions
>serve for, if they are not taken serious?

I must insert here a strong argument *against* the Colwell definition of a
text-type. Two, in fact.

The first is the use of exact numbers in deciding text-types. Unless we are
prepared to examine *all* variations in the manuscripts involved (as Hurtado,
to his credit, did), the numbers mean nothing. If we use a comparison based
on sampling, the rate of agreement between manuscripts will depend on the
sample being taken.

To show what I mean, let's take a sample. I'm going to use a biased one to get
my point across.

Take as our sample the variations shown in UBS3 for Luke 24. There are
nineteen of them. But *eight* of them consist of D and the latins against
*every other manuscript.* So in Luke 24, based on this sample, it turns
out that *every manuscript*, except D, agrees with *every other manuscript*
at least 70% of the time. Does that mean that all of them belong to the
same text-type? Hardly!

The cut-off line for defining a text-type *must* depend on the sample.

But even for a particular sample, I don't think we can fix a cut-off and
say, "All manuscripts that meet this criterion belong to this text-type."
The great problem with the Colwell definition is that it ignores mixture.

Take a manuscript like 424. Even after diligent correction, it is still
more Byzantine than anything else. Depending on the sample, it might well
be rated as 70% Byzantine. But is it a Byzantine manuscript? Well, maybe...
but what makes it interesting is not the 75% of the text that is Byzantine,
but the 25% that agrees very closely with 1739 6 etc.

424, as corrected, is not a Byzantine text. It is not a family 1739 text.
It is a text *with family 1739 elements*. And *that* is what makes it
important. Whereas, by Colwell's definition, it's just another Byzantine
manuscript.

Which leads to another problem: Can a text-type be defined without a "core
text"? This is precisely the problem of the "Caesarean text." If one omits
p45 and W (as Hurtado has shown we should), there is no "core" Caesarean
witness. Does this mean that the Caesarean text *cannot* exist? I think
that too strong an argument.

Note that I am not saying that the Caesarean text *does* exist; that remains
to be settled. I'm just saying that we cannot use Colwell's definition to
settle the matter.

>b.) Text-type "D" (P29, P48, P38, 0171, and perhaps P69 + D): These are all,
>save for D, fragments, and certainly 0171 and P69 desert from the D-text
>of Luke
>approximately as often as they testify to it. The handeling of fragments when
>establishing text-type relations is an open question to my mind.

This I heartily agree with. We should not draw conclusions about text-types
based on fragments. And 0171 and D are distinctly different, so they cannot
*both* be assumed to be "core" "Western" witnesses.

But I'll ask another question: Why should D be assumed to be a core witness
to the "Western" text? At least in Luke, D shows clear signs of editorial
handling!

Just another insertion of unorthodoxy into this debate. :-)

Bob Waltz
waltzmn@skypoint.com



